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&5386C 
Ser.2 ,v.9 
1169679 



GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



n£hMrfiii99Mn' PUBLIC LIBRARY 



3 1833 



01 0243 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



http://archive.org/details/collectionss2v9mass 



COLLECTIONS 



OF THE 



MASSACHUSETTS 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 





VOL. IX. 


1 


OF THE' SECOND SERIES. 





— 




f 




* 


2830 


'1># ■• '* 




■f • 
BOSTON: 




FROM THE STEAM POWER PRESS OFFICE 




W. L. Lewis, Printer. 




1832. 



m 



I I ' 



CONTENTS. 



1169673 

Article 

I. A brief Relation of the Discovery of New England . 1 

II. Mourt's Relation . 26 

III. E. Winslow's Relation . . ... 74 

IV. A New Description of Virginia .... 105 
V. Account of Middlebury, Vermont Jfc . 123 

VI. Donations to Boston during the operation of the Port Bill 158 

VII. Account of Providence, R. I. . . . . 166 

VIII. Number of Houses in Boston, 1789 ... 204 

IX. The Massachusetts Language . . . 223 

X. The Indian Grammar begun . . . . 243 

XI. Notes on Eliot's Grammar ..... i. 

XII. Sketches of Ministers and Churcnes in New Hampshire 367 

XIII. Acknowledgment of Donations . . . . 369 



Chronological Table of Articles. 



I. 1607—1622 

II. 1620—1621 

III. 1621—1624 
VII. 1634—1645 

IV. 1648 
IX. 1666 



X. 1666 

XII. 1725—1821 

V. ,1761— 1820 

VI. 1775 

VIII. 1789 

XI. 1820 



/ 



COLLECTIONS, &c. 



A BRIEF RELATION OF THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 
OF NEW ENGLAND : 

And of sundry Accidents therein occurring , from the year of our Lord 

M.DC. VII to this present M.BC.XXII 
Together with the State thereof as now it stanieth; the general form 
> of ^government intended; and the division of the whole Territory 

into Counties, Baronieti, 4?^/ . 
London, Printed by John Haviland, and are to be sold by William 

Bladen, M.DC. XXII. 



THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 



To the Prince his Highness. 



Sir, 



f. 

As you are the height of our hopes and blessedness, 
next after your royal father our lord and sovereign : 
so, next unto his majesty, are we bound to dedicate our 
best endeavours to your princely service. And for the 
subject of this relation, as your highness hath been pleas- 
ed to do it the honour, by giving it the name of New 
England ; and by your highness most favourable encour- 
agement, to continue the same in life and being: so 
ought we to render an account of our proceedings, from 
the root thereof unto the present growth it hath ; which 
summarily is here done. If it shall appear naked (as in 
truth it is) we beseech your highness to receive it so 
much the rather for the truth's sake, and with your boun- 
ty and grace to shelter it from the storms and tempests 

vol. ix. 2 



1 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

"V 
of malice and envy, by which it hath been heretofor^de- 
spoiled of that goodly ornament it might have had by this 
time. 

It is now almost able to comfort itself, and there is no 
question but by the light of your countenance, it will 
speedily grow, both to serve his majesty with honour 
and profit, and multiply the same service to your high- 
ness in time to come, as a tribute due for the grace it 
receives, by the blessings of a long peace and prosperity 
that our nation enjoys under the reign of his sacred ma- 
jesty, through which we have the easier passage to ad- 
vance the cross of Christ in heathen parts, and to display 
his banner in the head of his army against infernal spirits, 
which have so long kept those poor distressed creatures 
(the inhabitants of those parts) in bondage, whose pos- 
terity will for ever bless the time, that the issue of your 
royal ancestors, sprung from so imperial branches, should 
be the means to unite the divided crowns in one, where 
by the generous spirits of both nations may have the 
fairer opportunity to procure their liberties. If your 
highness accept of what is past, we will hope of happiness 
to ensue ; and howsoever, pray that all increase of honour 
in this world, and all heavenly blessings in the world to 
come, may light upon your highness ; as best becomes 
those that are 

Your highness humble servants, 

The President and Council 
of New England. 



A brief relation of the discovery and plantation of 
New England. 

Although it be a course, far from the mind of us, 
that are undertakers for the advancement of the planta- 
tion of New England, to seek by any vain ostentation to 
extol our own endeavours : yet we cannot but strive to 
vindicate our reputation from the injurious aspersions 
that have been laid upon it, by the malicious practices of 

■ m 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 



sonjpfthat would adventure nothing in the beginning, but 
would now reap the benefit of our pains and charges, 
and yet not seem beholding to us ; and to that end they 
disvalue what is past, and by sinister informations dero- 
gate what they can from the present course intended : 
the rather because the good orders appointed to be put 
in execution there, are likely to restrain the licentious 
irregularity of other places. And this hath induced us 
to publish our proceedings, whereunto it hath pleased 
God to give a blessing : as to any of indifferent judg- 
ment may appear by that which folio weth. 

When this design was first attempted, some of the 
present company were therein chiefly interested ; who 
being careful to have the same accomplished, did send 
to the discovery of those northern parts a brave gentle- 
man, Captain Henry Challons, with two of the natives of 
that territory, the one called Maneday, the other Asseco- 
met. But his misfortunes did expose him to the power 
of certain strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so that 
by them, his company were seized, the ships and goods 
confiscated, and that voyage wholly overthrown. 

This loss, and unfortunate beginning, did much abate 
the rising courage of the first adventurers ; but imme- 
diately upon his departure, it pleased the noble lord chief 
justice, Sir John Popham knight, to send out another 
ship, wherein Captain Thomas Haman went commander, 
and Martine Prinne of Bristow master, with all necessary 
supplies, for the seconding of Captain Challons and his 
people ; who arriving at the place appointed, and not 
finding that captain there, after they had made some dis- 
covery, and found the coasts, havens, and harbours an- 
swerable to our desires, they returned. Upon whose 
relation the lord chief justice, and we all waxed so confi- 
dent of the business, that the year following every man 
of any worth, formerly interested in it, was willing to 
join in the charge for the sending over a competent num- 
ber of people to lay the ground of a hopeful plantation. 

Hereupon Captain Popham, Captain Rawley Gilbert, 
and others were sent away with two ships, and an hun- 






^ 



4 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

dred landmen, ordnance, and other provisions necessary 
for their sustentation and defence ; until other supply 
might be sent. In the mean while, before they could 
return, it pleased God to take from us this worthy mem- 
ber, the lord chief justice, whose sudden death did so 
astonish the hearts of the most part of the adventurers, 
as some grew cold, and some did wholly abandon the 
business. Yet Sir Francis Popham his son, certain of 
his private friends, and other of us, omitted not the next 
year (holding on our first resolution) to join in sending 
forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed. 

But the ships arriving there, did not only bring un- 
comfortable news of the death of the lord chief justice, 
together with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the elder 
brother unto Captain Rawley Gilbert, who at that time 
was president of that council : but found that the old 
Captain Popham was also dead ; who was the only man 
(indeed) that died there that winter, wherein they indur- 
ed the greater extremities ; for that in the depth thereof, 
their lodgings and stores were burnt, and they thereby 
wondrously distressed. 

This calamity and evil news, together with the resolu- 
tion that Captain Gilbert was forced to take for his own 
return, (in that he was to succeed his brother, in the in- 
heritance of his lands in England) made the whole com- 
pany to resolve upon nothing but their return with the 
ships ; and for that present to leave the country again, 
having in the time of their abode there (notwithstanding 
the coldness of the season, and the small help they had) 
built a pretty bark of their own, which served them to 
good purpose, as easing them in their returning. 

The arrival of these people here in England, was a 
wonderful discouragement to all the first undertakers, in 
so much as there was no more speech of settling any 
other plantation in those parts for a long time after ; only 
Sir Francis Popham having the ships and provision, 
which remained of the company, and supplying what 
was necessary for his purpose, sent divers times to the 
coasts for trade and fishing ; of whose loss or gains him- 
self is best able to give account. 



* 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 



Our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as 
you have heard ; the Frenchmen immediately took the 
opportunity to settle themselves within our limits ; which 
being heard of by those of Virginia, that discreetly took 
to their consideration the inconveniences that might arise, 
by suffering them to harbour there, they despatched Sir 
Samuel Argall, with commission to displace them, which 
he performed with much discretion, judgment, valour, 
and dexterity. For having seized their forts, which they 
had built at Mount Mansell, Saint Croix, and Port Reall, 
he carried away their ordnance ; he also surprised their 
ship, cattle, and other provisions, which he transported 
to the colony in Virginia to their great benefit. And 
hereby he hath made a way for the present hopeful plan- 
tation to be made in Nova Scotia, which we hear his 
majesty hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander 
knight, one of his majesty's most honorable council of 
the kingdom of Scotland, to be held of the said crown, 
and that not without some of our privities, as by appro- 
bation under writing may and doth appear. Whereby it 
is manifest that we are so far from making a monopoly 
of all those lands belonging to that coast (as hath been 
scandalously by some objected) that we wish that many 
would undertake the like. 

In this interim there were of us who apprehended 
better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt 
being thereunto persuaded, both by the relations of our 
people that had endured the many difficulties whereunto 
such actions are subjected chiefly in the winter season ; 
and likewise by the informations given them by certain 
of the natives, that had been kept a long time in their 
hands ; wherefore we resolved once more to try the ve^ 
rity thereof, and to see if possibly we might find some- 
thing that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a 
work so pious and so honourable. And thereupon they 
despatched Captain Hobson, of the Isle of Wight, toge- 
ther with Captain Herley, Master John Matthew, Mas- 
ter Sturton, with two savages, the one called Epenow, 
the other Manawet, with commission and directions fit 
for them to observe and follow, the better to bring to 



. 



6 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

pass what was expected. But as in all human affairs^ 
there is nothing more certain, than the uncertainty there- 
of; so fell it out in this ; for a little before such time as 
they arrived upon the coast with the aforesaid savages, 
who were naturals of those parts, it happened there had 
been one Hunt (a worthless fellow of our nation) set out 
by certain merchants for love of gain ; who (not content 
with the commodity he had by the fish and peaceable 
trade he found among the savages) after he had made his 
despatch, and was ready to set sail, (more savagelike than 
they) seized upon the poor innocent creatures, that in 
confidence of his honesty had put themselves into his 
hands. And stowing them under hatches, to the num- 
ber of twenty-four, carried them into the Straits, where 
he sought to sell them for slaves, and sold as many as he 
could get money for. But when it was understood from 
whence they were brought, the friars of those parts took 
the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in 
the christian faith ; and so disappointed this unworthy 
fellow of the hopes of gain he conceived to make by this 
new and devilish project. 

This being known by our two savages, formerly spo- 
ken of, they presently contracted such an hatred against 
our whole nation, as they immediately studied how to be 
revenged ; and contrived with their friends the best 
means to bring it to pass ; but Manawet dying in a short 
time after the ships arrival there, and the other observing 
the good order, and strong guard our people kept, studi- 
ed only how to free himself out of our hands, and there- 
upon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed effected his 
purpose, although with so great hazard to himself and 
friends, that labored his rescue, that Captain Hobson 
and his whole company imagined he had been slain. 
And though in the recovery of his body they wounded 
the master of our ship, and divers other of our company, 
yet was not their design without the slaughter of some 
of their people, and the hurts of other, compassed, as 
appeared afterward. 

Hereupon Captain Hobson and his company, conceiv- 
ing the end of their attempt to be frustrate, resolved 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 7 

without more ado to return, and so those hopes, that 
charge and voyage was lost also, for they brought home 
nothing but the news of their evil success, of the unfor- 
tunate cause thereof, and of a war now new began be- 
tween the inhabitants of those parts, and us. A misera- 
ble comfort for so weak means as were now left, to 
pursue the conclusion of so tedious an enterprize. 

While this was a working, we found the means to send 
out Captain John Smith from Plymouth, in a ship, toge- 
ther with Master Darmer and divers others with him, to 
lay the foundation of a new plantation, and to try the 
fishing of that coast, and to seek to settle a trade with 
the natives: but such was his misfortune, as being 
scarce free of our own coast, he had his masts shaken 
overboard by storms and tempests, his ship wonderfully 
distressed, and in that extremity forced to come back 
again ; so as the season of the year being almost spent, 
we were of necessity enforced to furnish him with ano- 
ther ship, and taking out the provision of the first, des- 
patched him away again, who coming to the height of 
the Western Islands, was chased by a French pirate, and 
by him made prisoner, although his ship in the night es- 
caped away, and returned home with the loss of much of 
her provision, and the overthrow of that voyage, to the 
ruin of that poor gentleman Captain Smith, who was 
detained prisoner by them, and forced to suffer many 
extremities, before he got free of his troubles. 

Notwithstanding these disasters it pleased God so to 
work for our encouragement again, as he sent into our 
hands Tasquantum, one of those savages that formerly 
had been betrayed by this unworthy Hunt before named, 
by whose means there was hope conceived to work a 
peace between us, and his friends, they being the princi- 
pal inhabitants of that coast, where the fire was kindled. 
But this savage Tasquantum, being at that time in the 
New-found land with Captain Mason governour there for 
the undertakers of that plantation : Master Darmer (who 
was there also, and sometimes before employed as we 
have said by us, together with Captain John Smith) 
fou'Hththe means to give us intelligence of him, and his 



8 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

opinion of the good use that might be made of his em- 
ployment, with the readiness of Captain Mason, to fur- 
ther any of our attempts that way, either with boats or 
other provision necessary, and resolving himself to go 
from thence, advised us to send some to meet with him, 
at our usual place of fishing, to aid him in his endeavour, 
that they joining together, might be able to do what he 
hoped would be very acceptable unto all well wishers of 
that business. 

Upon this news, we despatched the next season Cap- 
tain Rocraft, with a company for that purpose, in hope to 
have met with Captain Darmer ; but the care and discre- 
tion of Captain Mason was such, finding Captain Dar- 
mer's resolution to go beyond his means, that he persuad- 
ed him first to go for England, that providing himself 
there, as was requisite, he might proceed in time expe- 
dient, which counsel he observed (as lit it was) although 
our expectation of his joining with Captain Rocraft was 
thereby disappointed. Yet so it happened, that Captain 
Rocraft at his arrival in those parts, met with a French 
bark that lay in a creek a fishing, and trading, which he 
seized on, and sent home the master and company in the 
same ship which he went out in. 

With this bark and his own company, he meant to keep 
the coast that winter quarter, being very well fitted both 
with salt, and other necessaries Jor his turn ; but as this 
was an act of extremity (the poor man being of our own 
religion) so succeeded it accordingly. For in a short 
time after, certain of this captain's company conspired 
together to cut his throat, and to make themselves mas- 
ters of the whole spoil, and so to seek a new fortune 
where they could best make it. This conspiracy being 
discovered to the captain, he let it go on, till the time 
that it should have been put in execution, when he 
caught them in their own train, and so apprehended them 
in the very instant that they were purposed to begin their 
massacre. 

But after he had prevented the mischief, and seized 
upon the malefactors, he took to his consideration what 
was best to be done with them. And being loath by 



■■■ 

OF NEW ENGLAND. 9 

himself to despatch them as they deserved, he resolved 
to put them ashore, thinking by their hazard that it was 
possible they might discover something, that might ad- 
vance the publick ; and so giving them some arms for 
their defence, and some victual for their sustentation 
until they knew better how to provide for themselves, hte 
left them at a place called Sawaguatock, where they re- 
mained not long, but got from thence to Menehighon, an 
island lying some three leagues in the sea, and fifteen 
leagues from that place, where they remained all that 
winter, with bad lodging, and worse fare, yet came all 
safe home save one sickly man, which died there, the rest 
returned with the ship we sent for Rocraft's supply and 
provision, to make a fishing voyage. 

After these fellows were landed, the captain finding 
himself but weakly man'd, and his ship to draw too much 
water to coast those places, that by his instructions he 
was assigned to discover, he resolved to go for Virginia 
where he had lived a long time before, and had (as he 
conceived) many friends, that would help him with some 
things that he had occasion to use. Arriving there, he 
was riot deceived of his expectation ; for Sir Samuel 
Argall being their governour, and one that respected him 
much for his own sake, was the readier to help him, in 
regard of the good he wished to the business wherein he 
was employed. 

But all this could not prevail, for after that Sir Samuel 
Argall came from thence (his departure being more sud- 
den than was expected) it fell out that the new gover- 
nour entered the harbour: and finding Rocraft ready to 
be gone, sent to him to command him to come aboard 
to speak with him, which he readily obeyed, as soon as 
he could fit his boat and men for that purpose. And so 
leaving his bark with her great anchor ahead, and taking 
with him the half of his company, he was forced to stay 
aboard the new governour's ship that night. In the 
mean while a storm arising, our bark wanting hands to 
do their labour, drove ashore, and there sunk. But yet 
the governour and captain so laboured the next day, 
when they knew thereof, as that they freed her again, but 

VOL. ix. 3 



10 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

that occasion forced our captain to stay so long in the 
country to fit himself anew, as in the interim a quarrel 
fell out between him and another of that place ; so as 
Rocraft was slain, and the bark sunk the second time, 
and finally disabled from yielding us any benefit to this 
present. 

But we not knowing this disaster, and Captain Darmer 
arriving with his savage out of New-found-land, we des- 
patched him away the next season, in a ship we sent 
again for the fishing business, and assigned him a com- 
pany to join with Rocraft and his people. 

Captain Darmer arriving there, and not finding Ro- 
craft, was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to do : 
yet hearing by those mutineers which he found there, that 
he was gone for Virginia, he was hopeful of his return ; 
and lived in that expectation, till such time as he heard 
(by a ship that came from thence to fish for the colony) 
the confusion of his fortune, and the end of his misery 
in this world. Then he determined to take the pinnace 
that the year before was assigned to Rocraft for him to 
make the trade with, and with her to proceed on his de- 
sign, and so embarked himself, and his provision and 
company in her. And leaving the fishermen to their la- 
bour, he coasted the shore from thence, searching every 
harbour, and compassing every cape-land, till he arrived 
in Virginia ; where he was in hope to meet with some of 
the provision, or company of Rocraft, to help to supply 
him of what he wanted ; as also to lay a deck upon his 
pinnace, that before had not any, and now was taught 
by experience the necessity of having that defect sup- 
plied. 

But those hopes failed him (all being before that time 
ruined and dispersed) so far as he saw it in vain to hope 
for help by that means, and therefore attempted to make 
the best of what he had of his own. And going to set 
his men a work, they all in a few days after their arrival, 
fell sick of a disease which happened at that time in the 
country, so as now he was not only forced tQ be without 
hope of their helping of him, but must labour himself all 
he could to attend and sustain them; but so God favour- 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 11 

ed him, that they recovered, and in time convenient he 
despatched his business there, and put himself to sea 
again, resolving to accomplish in his journey back to 
New England, what in his last discovery he had omitted. 

In his passage he met with certain Hollanders, who 
had a trade in Hudson's River some years before that, 
time, with whom he had conference about the state of 
that coast, and their proceedings with those people, 
whose answer gave him good content. He betook him- 
self to the following of his business, discovering many 
goodly rivers, and exceeding pleasant, and fruitful coasts, 
and islands, for the space of eighty leagues from east to 
west, for so that coast doth range along from Hudson's 
River to Cape James. 

Now after we had found by Captain RocrafVs relation 
made the year before, the hopes he conceived of the 
benefits that coast would afford, towards the upholding 
of the charge for settling our plantation by reason of the 
commodities arising by fishing and furs, if a course 
might be taken for the managing of that business, as was 
fit for such a design ; as well as for the advancement of 
the publick good of our whole nation, and satisfaction of 
every well disposed person, that had a will to be interest- 
ed therein. 

It was held to be most convenient to strengthen our- 
selves by a new grant to be obtained from his royal ma- 
jesty : the rather, finding that those of Virginia had by 
two several patents settled their bounds, and excluded 
all from intermeddling with them that were not free of 
their company ; and had wholly altered the form of their 
government, from the first ground laid for the managing 
the affairs of both colonies, leaving us as desperate, and 
our business as abandoned. 

These considerations (as is said) together with the ne- 
cessity of settling our affairs, bounds and limits, distinct 
from theirs, made us resolve to petition his majesty for 
the renewing of our grant. 

By which time the rumour of our hopes was so pub- 
lickly spread abroad, and the commodities of the fish, 
and trade so looked into, as it was desired, that all that 



♦ 



12 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

coast might be made free, as well to those of Virginia as 
to us to make their commodity ; how just or unjust that 
motion was, we will not argue, seeing the business is 
ended. 

By this means, our proceedings were interrupted, and 
we questioned about it ; first, by the council of Virgi- 
nia, whom we thought to have been fully satisfied therein, 
before we could have way given us for a new patent, 
both parties having been heard by certain of the lords of 
the council ; and the business by them so ordered, as we 
were directed to proceed and to have our grant agreeable 
to the liberty of the Virginia company, the frame of our 
government excepted ; but this order not being liked of, 
it was again heard and concluded. Lastly, the patent 
being past the seal, it was stopt upon new suggestions to 
the king, and by his majesty referred to the council to be 
settled, by whom the former orders were confirmed, the 
difference cleared, and we ordered to have our patent de- 
livered us. 

These disputes held us almost two years, so as all men 
were afraid to join with us, and we thereby left hopeless 
of any thing more, than that which our own fortunes 
would yield to advance our proceedings, in which time so 
many accidents happened unto us at home, and abroad, 
that we were fain to give order by the ships we sent a 
fishing, for the retiring of Master Darmer, and his peo- 
ple, until all things were cleared, and we better provided 
of means to go through with our design : but this wor- 
thy gentleman, confident of the good likely to ensue, and 
resolutely resolving to pursue the ends he aimed at, could 
not be persuaded to look back, as yet ; and so refusing 
to accept our offer, began again to prosecute his discov- 
ery, wherein he was betrayed by certain new savages, 
who suddenly set upon him, giving him fourteen or fif- 
teen wounds; but by his valour, and dexterity of spirit 
he freed himself out of their hands, yet was constrained 
to retire into Virginia again the second time, for the cure 
of his wounds, where he fell sick of the infirmities of 
that place, and thereof died : so ended this worthy gen- 
tleman his day.s, after he had remained in the discovery 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 13 

of that coast two years, giving us good content in all he 
undertook ; and after he had made the peace between us 
and the savages, that so much abhorred our nation, for 
the wrongs done jhem by others, as you have heard : but 
the fruit of his labour in that behalf we as yet receive to 
our great commodity, who have a peaceable plantation at 
this present among them, where our people both prosper, 
and live in good liking, and assuredness of their neigh- 
bours, that had been formerly so much exasperated 
against us, as will more at large appear hereafter. 

-But having passed all these storms abroad, and under- 
gone so many home-bred oppositions, and freed our 
patent which we were by order of state assigned to re- 
new, for the amendment of some defects therein contain- 
ed, we were assured of this ground more boldly to pro- 
ceed on than before, and therefore we took first to 
consideration how to raise the means to advance the plan- 
tation ; in the examination thereof, two ways did offer 
themselves. The one was the voluntary contribution of 
the patentees ; the other, by an easy ransoming of the 
freedoms of those that had a will to partake only of the 
present profits, arising by the trade, and fishing upon the 
coast. 

The first was to proceed from those noblemen, and 
others that were patentees, and they agreed by order 
among themselves to disburse a hundred pounds a piece, 
for the advancement of such necessary business, as they 
had in hand. 

The second was to be accomplished by settling such 
liberties and orders in the western cities, and towns, as 
might induce every reasonable man, in, and about them, 
affecting the public good, or a regular proceeding in 
the business of trade, to embrace an uniformity, and to 
join in a community, or joint stock together : how rea- 
sonable or unreasonable those orders were, is hereafter 
to be seen, and judged by every well affected person, or 
any truly loving the public good of our nation, where- 
unto is annexed the difference of trading by a joint stock 
under government and order ; and the promiscuous trad- 
ing without order, and in a disjointed manner, as of late 



14 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

they have done to the infinite prejudice of others already, 
as also to the loss of many of themselves, that contemp- 
tuously and greedily have leapt into that course, as it were 
in despite of all authority, whose reward, in time, will 
follow. 

Before these orders were to be tendered to those cities 
and towns, it was desired that there might be letters sent 
from their lordships, admonishing them of his ^majesty's 
royal grant, that prohibiteth any not free of that business, 
to intermeddle within our limits, upon pain of confisca- 
tion of ship and goods. These letters expressing withal 
the good affection of those that were interested in the 
business, to entertain any that should be willing to con- 
form themselves to such orders, as had in that behalf been 
established. 

But those letters how full of justice soever they ap- 
peared, were as distasteful, as was the rumour of order 
unto them : for by it every particular man thought him- 
self straight debarred of liberty to run his own current, in 
which he thought his freedom did only consist ; and by 
debarring him thereof, his private ends were overthrown, 
which was to endeavour to prevent his neighbour of the 
mark he aimed at, or the harbour he resolved to go unto, 
or the present trade he expected to have by his private 
industry, but as for the publick he cared not, let that 
fare as it would. While these things were in dispute, 
and likely to have taken a good foundation, the news of 
the Parliament flew to all parts, and then the most factious 
of every place, presently combined themselves to follow 
the business in Parliament, where they presumed to prove 
the same to be a monopoly, and much tending to the pre- 
judice of the common good. But that there should be 
a conformity in trade, or a course taken to prevent the 
evils that were likely to ensue, or to appropriate posses- 
sions, or lands, after a generous manner, in remote parts 
of the world, to certain publick persons, of the common- 
wealth, for the taking care, and spending their time and 
means how to advance the enlargement of their country, 
the honour of their king, and glory of their God ; these 
were thought crimes worthy the taking notice of, and the 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 15 

principal actors in this kind, must be first traduced in 
private, then publickly called upon in Parliament, to an- 
swer such other scandals as could by malice be invented. 

But as this business was in itself just, and righteous, 
so was it as earnestly desired, they might have had the 
opportunity to have answered it before so unpartial judges, 
and so reverend persons ; if so it might have been with- 
out offence to the authority of his royal majesty, that had 
extended itself by virtue of his prerogative so far off, 
and without the laws of this realm, and to be put in exe- 
cution without the public expense, or charge of the 
commonwealth, or prejudice to any other former em- 
ployments of our nation, and indeed without offence to 
any that coveted not to put their sickle into the harvest of 
other men, or whose envious and covetous humours 
stirred them not up to shame themselves in the conclu- 
sion. 

These troubles thus unfortunately falling out, have not- 
withstanding hindered us from the hopes we had this 
year to give some life extraordinarily to those affairs, and 
therefore we are forced of necessity to refer the main of 
our resolution, till a more convenient opportunity, and till 
we have gotten our ships and provision fit to serve our 
turns both to give the law along those coasts, and to per- 
form such other service, as is thereby intended for the 
public good of our adventurers, and defence of our 
merchants, that shall frequent those places, according 
to such orders, as shall be found behoveful in that be- 
half. 



The clime and condition of the country, and the pres- 
ent estate of our affairs there. 

You have heard already the many disasters, calamities, 
misfortunes, oppositions, and hindrances we have had, 
and received. Howbeit many are omitted, in that we 
desire not to trouble the reader with more than enough ; 
or to affright the minds of weak spirits, that will believe 



16 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

there is no better success to be looked for from such at- 
tempts : although it be true that the best designs do 
oftentimes carry with them the most impediments, whe- 
ther it be that God will have it so, to try our constancy, 
or otherwise to make us know, that it, is he only that 
worketh after his own will, according to the time he hath 
assigned, and that there is nothing done but by him, as- 
also that, that is only best which he will have to*be done, 
and that time most proper which he hath assigned for the 
same. 

But by these you may imagine (seeing we have none 
other helps than our own fortunes to build upon) there 
can no great matters be performed in these storms and 
tempests. Notwithstanding, you may know we have 
not been more hindered one way, than blessed another : 
for, as our patience, constancy, travels and charge hath 
been great, so hath it (indeed) manifoldly been requited : 
for, by God's favour, and these gentlemen's industry, 
we have made a most ample discovery of the most com- 
modious country for the benefit of our nation, that ever 
hath been found. 

For better satisfaction of the reader in this behalf, we 
have thought it fit, by the way, to acquaint him first with 
the .nature of the place where we have settled ourselves, 
whereby he may see reason for what we have done, re- 
membering him likewise, that in settling of plantations, 
there is principally to be considered ; the air, for the. 
health of the inhabitants ; the soil, for fertility fit for* 
corn, and feeding of cattle wherewith to sustain them ; 
the sea, for commodity of trade 'and commerce, the bet- 
ter to enrich their publick and private state, as it shall 
grow to perfection ; and to raise employments, to furnish 
the course of those affairs. 

Now for the quality of the air, there is none of judg- 
ment but knows itproceedeth either from the- general dis- 
position of the sphere, or from the particular constitution 
of the place. 

Touching the disposition of the sphere, it is not only 
seated in the temperate zone, but as it were in the centre, 
or middle part thereof, for that the middle part of that 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 17 

country stands in the forty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees 
of the northern latitude, that is, twenty degrees from the 
fiery tropick, and as much from the freezing arctick circle : 
under the same climate and course of the sun that Con- 
stantinople, and Rome, the ladies of the world; Italy, and 
France, the gardens of Europe, have their situation, 
within the limits of the fifth and sixth climate, after the 
latter computation ; having their longest day fifteen hours 
and some odd minutes. 

Touching the constitution of the place (which is about 
fifty degrees by sea from our continent westerly) the 
maritime parts thereof are somewhat colder, than the na- 
ture of the clime otherwise affbrdeth ; so that the beams 
of the sun are weakened, partly by the unstable reflection 
of the' same upon the sea, and partly by being laden with 
abundance of moisture it exhales out r of the vast ocean, 
whereby the nature thereof is not so violently there ex- 
pressed, as in the like parallel further into the main is ac- 
customed. Nor is that sea coast so subject to droughts 
or want of rain in seasonable times, as other parts are of 
like latitudes, and by that reason the sea coasts are at all 
times mdre cold than is the island. And the eastern 
coast which receiveth the rising of the sun, is likewise 
colder than are the western parts, towards the declining 
of the same, as our morning airs (for example) even in 
the neat of summer are cold and quick, when the day 
and evening are very sweltering. And this makes those 
parts more suitable to the nature of our people, who 
neither find content in the colder climates, nor health in 
the hotter; but (as herbs and -plants) affect their native 
temperature, and prosper kindly no where else. 

And, indeed, the hot countries yield sharper wits, but 
weaker bodies, and fewer children ; the colder, more 
slow of conceit, but stronger of body, and more abound- 
ing in procreation. So that, though the invention of arts 
hath risen from the southern nations, yet they have still 
been subject to the inundations, and invasions of the 
more northerly people, by reason of their multitudes, 
together with the strength of their body, and hardness of 
their constitutions. 

vol. ix. 4 



18 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

But this country, what *by the general and particular 
situation, is so temperate, as it seemeth to hold the gol- 
den mean, and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of 
our own, which is made manifest by experience, the most 
infallible proof of all assertions; in so much as our peo- 
ple that are settled there, enjoy their life and health much 
more happily, than in other places ; which can be im- 1 
pitted to no other cause, than the temperature of the cli- 
mate. ' 

Now, as the clime is found to be so temperate, so deli- 
cate, and healthful, both by reason and experience ; such 
is the soil also, some parts thereof yielding wonderful 
increase, both of the corn, the natives have most use of; 
as also of our own, of all sorts : with infinite variety of 
nourishing roots, and other herbs, and fruits, common 
among them, but rare with us. 

Besides, the coast doth abound with most convenient 
havens, and harbours, full of singular islands, fit for plan- 
tation ; replenished with plants and wood of all sorts ; as 
oak, cedars, spruce, fir, pine, walnut, chesnut, elm, sassa- 
fras, plum trees, and calamus aromaticus, &c. 

The people are tractable (if they be not abused) to 
commerce and trade with all, and as yet have good re- 
spect of us. The seas are stored with all kinds of ex- 
cellent fish, and in many places upon the coast, fit to 
make salt in. The country aboundeth with diversitv of 
wild fowl, as turkeys, partridges, swans, cranes, wild geese> 
of two sorts, wild ducks of three sorts, many doves, es- 
pecially when strawberries are ripe. 

There are several sorts of deer in those parts, and * 
some that bring forth two, three, and four young at once, 
which is a manifest proof of the fertility of the soil, or 
temper of the clime, or both together. 

There is also a certain beast, that the natives call a 
moose, he is as big bodied as an ox, headed like a fallow 
deer, with a broad palm, which he mues every year, as 
doth the deer, and neck like a red deer, with a short 
mane, running down along the reins of his back, his hair 
long like an elk, but esteemed to be better than that for 
saddlers' use, he hath likewise a great bunch hanging down 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 19 

under his throat, and is of the cojour of our blacker sort 
of fallow deer, his legs are long, and his feet as big as 
the feet of our oxen, his tail is longer than the single of 
a deer, and reacheth almost down to his huxens, his skin 
maketh very good buff, and his flesh is excellent good 
food, which the natives use to jerkin and keep all the 
year to serve their turn, and so proves very serviceable 
for their use. There have been many of them seen in a 
great island upon the coast, called by our people Mount 
Mansell, whither the savages go at certain seasons to 
hunt them ; the manner whereof is, by making of seve- 
ral fires ; and setting the country with people, to force 
them into the sea, to which they are naturally addicted, 
and then there are others that attend them in their boats 
; with bows and weapons of several kinds, wherewith they 
slay and take at their pleasure. And there is hope that 
this kind of beasts may be made serviceable for ordinary 
labour with art and industry. 

The known commodities of that country, are fish of 
several sorts, rich furs, as beavers, otters, martins, black 
fox, sables, &c. There are likewise plenty of vines, of 
three kinds, and those pleasant to the taste, yet some bet- 
ter than other. There is hemp, flax, silkgrass, several 
veins of ironstone, commodities to make pitch, rosin, 
tar ; deal boards of all sorts, spars, masts, for ships of all 
burdens ; in a word, there comes no commodity out of 
France, Germany, or the Sound, but may be had there, 
with reasonable labour and industry. 

Further we have settled at this present, several planta- 
tions along the coast, and have granted patents to many 
more that are in preparation to be gone with all conve- 
niency. Those of our people that are there, have both 
health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there is no 
want of any thing, but of industrious people, to reap the 
commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed 
so much affected to the place, as they are loath to be 
drawn from thence, although they were directed to return 
to give satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose 
rather to perform that office by letters, together with their 
excuse, for breach of their duty in that behalf. And thus 



20 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

you see there is no labour well employed, but hath his 
reward at one time or other. 

These encouragements have emboldened us to proceed, 
to the engaging of ourselves, for the building of some 
ships of good burden, and extraordinary mould, to lie 
upon the coast for the defence of merchants and fishermen, 
that are employed there, as also to waft the fleets, as they 
go to and from their markets : and we purpose from 
henceforth to build our shipping there, where we find all 
commodities fit for that service, together with the most 
opportune places, that can be desired. 

Lastly, finding that we have so far forth prevailed, as 
to wind ourselves into familiarity with the natives, (which 
are in no great number) along the coast for two hundred 
leagues together, we have now despatched some of our 
people of purpose, to dive into the bowels of the conti- 
nent, there to search and find out what port, or place, is 
most convenient to settle our main plantation in, where 
we mean to make the residence of our state and govern- 
ment as also to be assured, what other commodities may 
be raised for the publick, and private benefit of those that 
are dealers in that business, and willing to be interested 
in any the lands there : whither is gone this year already, 
for trade and fishing only, thirty sail of the better sort of 
ships, belonging to the western parts, besides those who 
are gone for transportation of the planters, or supply of 
such as are already planted, whose return (as is supposed )\ 
will amount (at the least) to thirty thousand pound, the " 
greater part whereof comes home in bullion. 

And therefore as touching the third happiness of these J 
parts, which is the sea, there needeth no other or greater 
commendation than this benefit of fishing assured unto 
us by common experience ; although it affords many oth- 
er hopes both in regard of the facility of the navigation, 
the boldness of the coast, the conveniency of roads, 
havens and harbours, for performance of all manner of 
employment ; yet is there also found shows of pearl, am- 
bergris, great numbers of whales, and other, merchanta- 
ble means to raise profit to the industrious inhabitants or 
diligent traders. 



I 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 21 

Here you may see to what profit our industry and 
charge hath been employed ; what benefit our country is 
like to receive by it, and whether it be reason we should 
be so traduced, as we have been, we seeking nothing 
more than the glory of God, the enlarging of his high- 
ness' dominions, and general good of all his majesty's loy- 
al subjects, and striving for the better accomplishments 
thereof to keep order, and settle government in those af- 
fairs, to preserve from ruin and confusion so fair a foun- 
dation, whereon is likely to be built the goodliest frame 
that hath ever been undertaken to be raised by our nation. 



The Platform of the government, and divisions of the 
territories in general. 

As there is no commonwealth that can stand without 
government, so the best governments have ever had 
their beginnings from pne supreme head, who hath dis- 
posed of the administration of justice, and execution of 
publick affairs, either according to laws established, or 
by the advice, or counsel of the most eminent, discreetest, 
and best able in that kind. The verity of this is so clear, 
as it needs no example : for that indeed all nations from 
the beginning, unto this present, follow still the same rule 
in effect, howsoever they vary in the form, or some small 
circumstances. 

And upon this general ground, the kings of these our 
realms did first lay the foundations of their monarchies ; 
reserving unto themselves the sovereign power of all (as 
fit it was) and dividing their kingdoms into countries, 
baronies, hundreds, and the like ; instituted their lieu- 
tenants, or officers, meet to govern those subdivisions, 
that the subject might with the more ease receive justice, 
and the sovereigns at more leisure the better able to dis- 
pose of matters of greater consequence. 

This foundation being so certain, there is no reason for 
us to vary from it, and therefore we have resolved to 
build our edifices upon it, and to frame the same after 



22 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

the platform already laid, and from whence we take our 
denomination. So as we purpose to commit the man- 
aging of our whole affairs there in general, unto a gov- 
ernour, to be assisted by the advice and counsel of so 
many of the patentees as shall be there resident, together 
with the officers of state, that is to say ; the treasurer for 
the managing of the treasure and revenues belonging to 
that state. The marshal, for matters of arms, and affairs 
of wars, be it defensive or offensive. The admiral ;for 
maritime business civil or criminal, and the forces be- 
longing to the sea. The master of the ordnance for 
munition, artillery and other provisions for publick 
store of armies by sea or land ; as also such other per- 
sons of judgment and experience, as by the president and 
council established here, for the better governing of those 
affairs shall be thought fit. 

By this head, and these members, united together, the 
great affairs of the whole state is to be managed, accord- 
ing to their several authorities, given them from their 
superiours, the president and council established as afore- 
said. 

And for that all men by nature are best pleased to be 
their own carvers, and do most willingly submit to those 
ordinances, or orders whereof themselves are authors : 
it is therefore resolved, that the general laws whereby that 
state is to be governed, shall be first framed and agreed 
upon by the general assembly of the states of those parts/ , 
both spiritual and temporal. 

For the better distinction whereof, and the more or- 
derly proceeding, agreeable, (as is said) to the present 
state of this our realm, two parts of the whole territory 
is to be divided between the patentees, into several coun- 
ties, to be by themselves or their friends planted, at their 
pleasure or best commodity. The other third part is to 
be reserved for public uses, to be belonging to the state, 
as their revenue for defraying of public charge. 

But as well this third part, as the two formerly spoken 
of, is to be divided into counties, baronies, hundreds, and 
the like, from all which the deputies for every county, 
and barony, are to be sent in the name and behalf of the 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 23 

subjects, under them to consult i*nd agree upon the laws 
so to be framed, as - also to reform any notable abuses 
committed in former proceedings. 

Yet these are not to be assembled, but by order from 
the president and council here, who are to give life to the 
laws so to be made, as those to whom of right it best be- 
longs, according to his majesty's royal grant in that be- 
half, as also that under God, and his sacred highness, 
they are the principal authors of that foundation. And 
thus much for the general form of our government. 

In like manner are the counties to be governed by the 
chief head or deputy thereof with other officers under 
him. As his steward, comptroller, treasurer of his reve- 
nues ; and so the baronies by their stewards, and other 
inferiour ministers, who are to have assigned them the 
power of high and low justice within themselves for de- 
termining of controversies, with reservation of appeal in 
some cases to the supreme courts. 

And further, these lords of counties may of themselves 
subdivide their said county into manors and lordships, as 
to them shall seem best, giving to the lords thereof pOwer 
of keeping of courts, and leets, as is here used in Eng- 
land, for the determining of petty matters, arising between 
the lords, and the tenants, or any other. 

And there is no less care to be taken for the trade and 
public commerce of merchants, whose government ought 
Mo be within themselves, in respect of the several occa- 
sions arising between them, the tradesmen, and other the 
mechanicks, with whom they have most to do : and who 
are generally the chief inhabitants of great cities, and 
towns,'- in all parts; it is likewise provided, that all the 
cities in that territory, and other inferiour towns where 
tradesmen are in any numbers, shall be incorporate and 
made bodies politick, to govern their affairs and people 
as it shall be found most behoveful for the public good of 
the same ; according unto the greatness or capacity of 
them, who shall be made likewise capable to send cer- 
tain their deputies, or burgesses to this public assembly, 
as members thereof, and who shall have voices equal with 
any the rest. 



m 



24 THE DISCOVERY AND PLANTATION 

By this you see our main drift is but to take care for 
the well ordering of the business, seeking by all means 
to avoid (what we may) the intermeddling with any men's 
monies, or disposing of any men's fortunes, save only our 
own ; leaving to every particular undertaker the employ- 
ment of their adventures, and the raising of their profits, 
out of their proper limits, and possessions, as shall seem 
best to themselves, or their officers, or ministers, whom 
they employ, and whom they may be bold to questioner 
displace, as to themselves shall seem most fitting. 

And hereby all men may know, that as it is not in our 
wills to delude and deceive any, so we are careful not to 
give the least cause of suspicion of any evil in that kind; 
so much the rather for that we daily see by experience, 
the abuses committed in like cases by inferiour ministers, 
to be a notable cause to dehort the good dispositions of 
many otherwise well affected to plantations, for that they 
observe those that are so employed to grow rich, and 
their adventures to come to nothing. 

And we further desire that all men should be persua-' 
ded, we covet not to engross any thing at all unto our- 
selves, but that we should be exceeding glad to find 
more of our nation, so free in disposition, as to partake 
with us, as well in the profit, as in the future travel, and 
charge thereof; without looking back to our expense, or 
labour already past, to the end that all our hands being 
united together, the work may be so much the sooner* 
advanced, well knowing and freely confessing, that it is 
sufficient to give content to a multitude, and that of all 
sorts. For such as are truly pious, shall find here the 
opportunity to put in practice the works of piety, both in 
building of churches, and raising of colleges for the 
breeding of youth, or maintenance of divines and other 
learned men. If they be such as affect glory, and to 
continue their memory to future ages, they may have 
here the means to raise houses, parishes, yea towns, or 
provinces, to their names and posterity. Do they aim at 
wealth? here is the way for their industry to. satiate their 
appetites in that, if they be not unsatiable. Do they 
long after pleasure ? here is as much to be had as may 



OF NEW ENGLAND. 25 

content any, not merely voluptuous, or only prodigal. 
Do they aspire to be commanders? here is the place 
where they may have command of their own friends, or 
tenants, if they be of any worth, or means extraordinary 
wherewith to transport any numbers. If otherwise of 
experience and virtue, it is likely they may attain places 
of government for the publick state. So as you see there 
wants no occasions, or opportunity to invite, or give sat- 
isfaction to such as have patience to attend the time. 

And indeed we shall be glad, that this, or any thing 
else may induce a free and noble resolution, in any well 
affected person, to endeavour the advancement of these 
ends, together with us, in that they shall find them agree- 
able to honour and honesty ; and if there be any that 
can add ought unto our endeavours, by their advice or 
otherwise, there is none that shall more readily embrace 
the same than we ; whose intents are only framed for the 
prosperity of the business, as is already said, and as we 
hope will all those be, that shall assent to join with us, 
both in the labour, profit, and honour, without respect to 
the weakness of the motive, by which it hath been here- 
tofore moved, or any thing save the work itself. For by 
it you shall find the honour of our God, our king, and na- 
tion, will be advanced, without effusion of christian 
blood, or question of wrong to the present inhabitants. 
For that they themselves both desire it, and we intend not 
to take ought, but what they that are there, are willing we 
should be seized of, both for the defence of them against 
their enemies, and their preservation in peace among 
themselves, and propagation of the christian faith, which 
with wonderful alacrity many of them seem to give ear 
unto, and for whose speedy conversion we intend to be 
as careful as of our own happiness ; and as diligent to 
build them houses, and to provide them tutors for their 
breeding, and bringing up of their children, of both 
sexes, as to advance any other business whatsoever, for 
that we acknowledge ourselves specially bound thereunto. 
And this being done, to refer the success, to the author 
of heaven and earth, to whom be all honour and glory. 

FINIS. 
VOL. ix. 5 



26 mourt's relation. 

Mourt's Relation. 

Boston, April 21, 1819, 
Dear Sir, 

I herewith present you with the portion of Mourfs 
Relation, which Mr. Du Ponceau has obligingly procur- 
ed to be copied for the Historical Society, from a CQpy 
of that rare work, which I had suggested to his examina- 
tion, and which is in the City Library of Philadelphia. 
You will unite with me in acknowledgments for this 
very acceptable service, which Mr. Du Ponceau has per- 
formed with his characteristick assiduity and accuracy, 
I have mentioned to him, that a publication of it was in- 
tended, and that I should put the MSS. into your hands 
for that purpose, as a just expression of grateful deference 
for your previous labours on that portion of the Relation, 
which was republished in our Collections^ — What is now % 
supplied is very interesting. I have annexed to the MSS. 
a few remarks, which occurred tome in the perusal, and 
shall cheerfully give you every aid in my power in eluci- 
dation of this venerable document. 

Yours with great regard, 

J. DAVIS. 

Rev. Dr. Freeman, 



Relation or Journal of the beginning and proceed-" 
ings of the English Plantation settled at Pli- 
moth in New England, by certain English Adven- 
turers, both Merchants and others. 



With their difficult passage, their safe arrival, their joyful building 
of, and comfortable planting, themselves in the now well defended 
Toion of New Plimoth. 

As also a Relation of Four several discoveries since made by some of 
English Planters there resident. 



MOURT'S RELATION. 27 

I. In a journey to Puckanokick* the habitation of the Indians' 
greatest King, Massasoyt : as also their message, the answer and 
entertainment they had of him, 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdom of Nawset, to 
seek a boy that had lost himself in the woods : with such accidents 
as befell them in that voyage. 

III. In their journey to the Kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of 
their greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohigg onsets, and 
to revenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum. 

IIII. Their voyage to the Massachusetts and their entertainment 

. there. | 

With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against 

the lawfulness of English plantations in those parts. 

London, Printed for John Be^lamie, and are to fye sold at his shop at 
the two Greyhounds in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange. 1622. 



To his much respected friend, Mr. L P. \ 

■;■/ ;;f;; .Good ■ friend : as we cannot but account it an extra- 
ordinary blessing of God in directing our course for 
these parts, after we came out of our native country, for 
that we had the happiness to be possessed of the com- 
forts we receive by the" benefit of one of the most plea- 
sant, most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world : 
so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multi- 
plied upon our whole company, for' that we obtained the 
"honour to receive allowance and approbation of our free 
possession, and enjoying thereof under the authority of 
those thrice honoured persons, the President and Council 
for the affairs of New England, by whose bounty and 
grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to dedicate our 
best service unto them, as those under his majesty, that 
we* owe it unto : whose noble endeavours in these their 
actions the God of heaven and earth multiply to his glory 
and their own eternal comforts. 

* It is so printed, Puckanokick, but it is an errour of the press : it should 
be Packanokick, and so it is printed in the Relation. Transcriber. 

f I. P., probably the initials of John Pierce, in whose name their first patent 
was taken. 



28 mourtY relation. 

As for this poor Relation, I pray you to/ accept it, as 
being writ by the several actors themselves, after their 
plain and rude manner : therefore doubt nothing of the 
truth thereof: if it be defective in any thing, it is their 
ignorance, that are better acquainted with planting than 
writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the 
business, it is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are 
in, and the hopes that are apparent, cannot but suffice any 
that will not desire more than enough, neither is there 
want of ought among us but company to enjoy the bless- 
ings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are 
here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot, 
that I had but trie recommendation of the relation itself, 
to your further consideration, and therefore I will end 
without saying more, save that I shall always rest 
Yours in the way of friendship, 

R. G.* 

From Plimoth in New England. 



To the Reader. 

Courteous reader, be entreated to make a favoura- 
ble construction of my forwardness, in publishing dis- 
courses, the desire of carrying the gospel of Christ into 
those foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have 
had no knowledge, nor taste of God, as also to procure 
unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable hab- 
itation : were amongst other things the inducements 
(unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and now 
experimentally known good enterprise for plantation, in 
New England) to set afoot and prosecute the same and 

* Perhaps Richard Gardiner, whose name is on the list preserved by- 
Prince. We do not find his name afterwards in the assignment of lands, nor 
in the division of the cattle. Mr. S. Davis, has made examination, at my re- 
quest, and finds no mention of him in the records. May he not be consid- 
ered as more particularly J. Pierce's agent or representative, and not inti- 
mately concerned in the main objects of the pilgrims ? If. so he probably 
left the place, on their breach with Pierce, upon the discovery of his selfish 
views. 



RELATION. 29 

though it fared with them, as it is common to the most 
actions of this nature, that the first attempts prove diffi- 
cult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, yet it hath 
pleased God, even beyond our expectation in so short a 
time, to give hope of letting some of them see (though 
some he hath taken out of this vale of tears) some 
grounds of hope, of the accomplishment of both those 
ends by them, at first propounded. 

And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to 
effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in 
this hopeful business, and in the mean time, these rela- 
tions earning to, my hand from my both known and faith- 
ful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought 
it not amiss to make them more general, hoping of a 
cheerful proceeding, both of adventurers and planters, 
entreating that the example of the honourable Virginia 
and Bermudas companies, encountering with so many 
disasters, arid that for divers years together, wkh an un- 
wearied resoluticfn, the good effects whereof are now em- 
inent, may prevail as a spur of preparation alsa touching 
this no less hopeful country though yet an infant, the ex- 
tent and commodities whereof are as yet not fully known, 
after time will unfold more: such as desire to take 
knowledge of things, may inform themselves by this en- 
suing treatise, and if they please also by such as have 
been there a first and second time, my hearty prayer to 
God is that the event of this and all other honourable 
and honest undertakings, may be for the furtherance of 
the kingdom of Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of 
"pur sovereign lord king James, and the good and profit 
of those, who either by purse, or person, or both, are 
agents in the same, so I take leave and rest 

Thy friend, 

G. MOURT * 



* I find no trace of G. Mourt in the history of the plantation. He was 
probably one of the merchant adventurers (as they were called) in England. 



30 mourt's relation. 



Certain useful advertisements sent in a letter written by 
a discreet friend unto the planters in New England^ 
at their first setting sail from Southhampton, who ear- 
nestly desireth the prosperity of that their new Plan- 
tation. 

Loving and christian friends, I do heartily and in the 
Lord salute you all, as being they with whom I am pre- 
sent in my best affection, and most earnest longings after 
you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily ab- 
sent from you ; I say constrained, God knowing how 
willingly and much rather than otherwise I would have 
borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by 
strong necessity held back for the present. Make ac- 
count of me in the mean while, as of a man divided in 
myself with great pain, and as (natural bond set aside) 
having my better part with you. And though I doubt 
not but in your godly wisdoms you both foresee and re- 
solve upon that which concerneth your present state and 
condition both severally and jointly, yet have I thought 
but my duty to add some further spur of provocation 
unto them who run already, if not because you need it, 
yet because I owe it in love and duty. 

And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with 
our God, special for our sins known, and general for our 
unknown trespasses ; so doth the Lord call us in a 
singular manner upon occasions of such difficulty and 
danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search 
and careful reformation of our ways in his sight, lest he 
calling to remembrance our sins forgotten by us or unre- 
pented of, take advantage against us, and in judgment 
leave us for the same to be swallowed up in one danger 
or other ; whereas on the contrary, sin being taken away 
by earnest repentance and the pardon thereof from the 
Lord, sealed up unto a man's conscience by his Spirit, 
great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet 
his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance 
from all evil, whether in life or in death. 

Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our 



31 

own consciences, we are car^ully to provide for peace 
with all men what in us lieth, especially with our associ- 
ates, and for that end watchfulness must be had, that we 
neither at all in ourselves do give, no nor easily take of- 
fence being given by others. Wo be unto the world 
for offences, for though it be necessary (considering the 
malice of satan and man's corruption) that offences come, 
yet wo unto the man or woman either by whom the of- 
fence cometh, saith Christ, Math. 18. 7. And if offences 
in the unseasonable use of things in themselves indiffer- 
ent, be more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle 
teacheth, 1 Cor. 9. 15, how much more in things simply 
evil, in which neither honour of God nor love of man is 
thought worthy to be regarded. 

Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by 
the grace of 3od from giving offence, except withal we 
be armed against the taking of them when they are giv- 
en by others. For how imperfect and lame is the work 
of grace in that person, who wants charity to cover a 
multitude of offences, as the scriptures speak. Neither 
are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the com- 
mon grounds of Christianity, which are, that persons 
ready to take offence, either want charity to cover offen- 
ces, or wisdom duly to weigh human frailty ; or lastly 
are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord 
teacheth, Math. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in mine own expe- 
rience, few or none have been found which sooner give 
offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have they 
ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, 
"which have nourished in themselves that touchy humour. 
But besides these, there are divers special motives pro- 
voking you above others to great care and conscience 
this way : As first, you are many of you strangers, as to 
thepersons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so 
stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest when 
such things fall out in men and women as you suspected 
not, you be inordinately affected with them; which doth 
require at your hands much wisdom and charity for the 
covering and preventing of incident offences that way, 
And lastly your intended course of civil community 



32 mourt's relation. 

will minister continual occasion of offence, and will be 
as fuel for that fire, except you diligently quench it with 
brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence causeless- 
ly or easily at men's doings be so carefully to be avoided, 
how much more heed is to be taken that we take not of- 
fence at God himself, which yet we certainly do so oft as 
we do murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear 
impatiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth to 
visit us. Store we up therefore patience against the evil 
day, without which we take offence at the Lord himself 
in his holy and just works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, to 
wit, that with your common employments you join com- 
mon affections truly bent upon the general good, avoid- 
ing as a deadly plague of your both common and special 
comfort all retiredness of mind for proper advantage, and 
all singularly affected any manner of way ; let every man 
repress himself and the whole body in each person, as so 
many rebels against the common good, all private re- 
spects of men's selves, not sorting with the general con- 
veniency. And as men are careful not to have a new 
house shaken with any violence before it be well settled 
and the parts firmly knit: so be you, I beseech you 
brethren, much more careful, that the house of God 
which you are and are to be, be not shaken with unne- 
cessary novelties or other oppositions at the first settling 
thereof. 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politick, 
using amongst yourselves civil government, and are not 
furnished with any persons of special eminence above 
the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government : 
let your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choos- 
ing such persons as do entirely love, and will diligently 
promote the common good, but also in yielding unto 
them all due honour and obedience in their lawful admin- 
istrations; not beholding in them the ordinariness of 
their persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; nor 
being like unto the foolish multitude, who more honour the 
gay coat, than either the virtuous mind of the man, or 
glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better 



mourt's relation. 33 

things, and that the image of the Lord's power and au- 
thority, which the magistrate beareth, is honourable, in 
how mean persons soever. And this duty you both may 
be more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to per- 
form, because you are at least for the present to have only 
them for your ordinary governours, which yourselves 
shall make choice of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put you in 
mind of, and of those before mentioned in more words, 
but I will not so far wrong your godly minds, as to think 
you heedless of these things, there being also divers among 
you so well able to admonish both themselves and others 
of what concerneth them. These few things therefore 
and the same in few words I do earnestly commend unto 
your care and conscience, joining therewith my daily in- 
cessant prayers unto the Lord, that he who hath made 
the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, 
and whose providence is over all his works, especially 
over ail his dear children for good, would so guide and 
guard you in your ways, as inwardly by his Spirit so out- 
wardly by the hand of his power, as that both you and 
we also, for and with yoli, may have after matter of prais- 
ing his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare 
you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 

An unfained well wilier of your happy success in this 
voyage, I. R.* 



*John Robinson. This letter was written July, 1620. It is published in 
the New England's Memorial, and in NeaPs History of New England, and is 
inserted, with some variations, in the records of Plymouth First Church. 



VOL. IX. 



34 Mourt's relation. 

A Relation or Journal of the proceedings of the Plantation 
settled at Plimoth, in New England. Abridged in 8 
Mass, Hist. Coll. p. 203. 

[differences between the original publication and the 
abridgment. 

Note. The paragraphs are not numbered in the Original ; the 
numbers in the Hist. Coll. will be used here only for references.] 

•.. 

From No. 1. to No. 6. inclusive, is correctly transcrib- 
ed (except the spelling which is modernized.) 

Nos. 7. to 12. inclusive, form in the original but one 
paragraph ; No. 9. is divided from No. 10. only by a 
semicolon (;). 

No. 12. wants at the end what here follows : 

to make them large satisfaction. " This was our first 
discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing : our peo- 
ple did make things as fitting as they could, and time 
would, in seeking out wood, and helving of tools, and 
sawing of timber, to build a new shallop ; but the dis- 
commodiousness of the harbour did much hinder us ; 
for we could neither go to, nor come from the shore, but 
at high water, which was much to our hinderance and 
hurt ; for oftentimes they waded to the middle of the 
thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and come from land; 
some did it necessarily, and some for their own pleasure ; 
but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs and colds, 
the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy, which af- 
terwards turned to the scurvy, whereof many died." 

Nos. 13. 14. and 15. make but one paragraph. 

At the end of No. 14. what follows is to be added :* 

for we had eaten little all that day ; " our resolution 
was next morning to go up to the head of this river, for 
we supposed it would prove fresh water : but in the 
morning our resolution held not, because many liked not 
the hilliness of the soil and badness of the harbour ; so 
we turned the other creek, that we might go over and 

*Note, p. 214. Collections, 1. 9. for "three geese" write " three fat geese." 



mourt's relation. 35 

look for the rest of the corn that we left behind when we 
were here before. When we came to the creek, we saw 
the canoe lie on the dry ground, and a flock of geese in 
the river, at which one made a shot, and killed a couple 
of them, and we launched the canoe and fetched them, 
and when we had done, she carried us over by seven or 
eight at once. This done, we marched to the place where 
we had the corn formerly, [Continue No, 15. to the end, 
and begin a new paragraph with what follows :] 

" The next morning we followed certain beaten paths 
and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing they 
would have led us into some town or houses ; after we 
had gone a while, we light upon a very broad beaten 
path, well nigh two foot broad ; then we lighted all our 
matches, and prepared ourselves, concluding we were 
near their dwellings : but in the end, we found it to be a 
path made to drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, 
as we supposed ; when we had marched Jive or six miles 
in the woods, [Continue No. 16. and at the end add as 
follows :] 

nor any thing else but graves. " There was variety of 
opinions amongst us about the embalmed person ; some 
thought it was an Indian lord and king : others said, the 
Indians have all black hair, and never was seen with 
brown or yellow hair ; some thought it was a christian 
of some special note, which had died amonst them, and 
; , they thus buried him to honour him ; others thought 
they had killed him, and did it in triumph over him," 
Whilst we wtre thus ranging and searching, [Continue 
No. 17. to the end, and add what follows :} 

and left the houses standing still as they were ; <'sp 
it growing towards night, and the tide almost spent, we 
hasted with our things down to the shallop, and got 
aboard that night ; intending to have brought some beads 
and other things, to have left the houses, in sign of 
peace, and that we meant to truck with them, but it was 
not done, by means of our hasty coming away from Cape 
Cod ; but so soon as we can meet conveniently with 
them, we will give them full satisfaction., Thus much 
of our second discovery. 

1163379 



36 mourt's relation. 

Having thus discovered this place, it was controversial 
amongst us, what to do, touching our abode and settling 
there ; some thought it best, for many reasons to abide 
there ; 

As first, that there was a convenient harbour for boats, 
though not for ships. 

Secondly, good corn ground ready to our hands, as we 
saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which 
would again agree with the ground, and be natural seed 
for the same. 

Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing; 
for we saw daily great whales of the best kind for oil and 
bone, come close aboard our ship, and in fair weather 
swim and play about us ; there was once one, when the 
sun shone warm, came and lay above water, as if she had 
been dead, for a good while together, within half a mus- 
ket shot of the ship, at which two were prepared to shoot, 
to see whether she would stir or no ; he that gave fire first, 
his musket flew in pieces : both stock and barrel ; yet 
thanks be to God neither he, nor any man else, was hurt 
with it, though many were there about ; but when the 
whale saw her time, she gave a snuff and away. 

Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthful, secure 
and defensible. 

But the last and special reason was, that now the heart 
of winter, and unseasonable weather, was come upon us, 
so that we could not go upon coasting and discovery, 
without danger of losing men and boat; upon which 
would follow the overthrow of all, especially considering 
what variable winds and sudden storms do there arise. 
Also cold and wet lodging had so tainted our people (for 
scarce any of us were free from vehement coughs) as if 
they should continue long in that state, it would endanger 
the lives of many, and breed disease and infection amongst 
us. Again we had yet some beer, butter, flesh and other 
such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone : and 
then we should have nothing to comfort us in the great la- 
bour and toil we were like to undergo at the first ; it was 
also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the 



mourt's relation. 37 

sliip would stay with us, but when that grew low, they 
would be gone, and let us shift as we could. 

Others again, urged greatly the going to Anguum or 
Angoum, a place twenty leagues off to the northwards, 
which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for ships ; 
better ground and better fishing. Secondly, for any 
thing we knew, there might be, hard by us, a far better 
seat, and it should be a great hinderance to seat where we 
should remove again. Thirdly, the water was but in 
ponds, and it was thought there would be none in sum- 
mer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be 
fetched up a steep hill : but to omit many reasons and re- 
plies used hereabouts ; it was in the end concluded to 
make some discovery within the bay, but in no case so 
far as Angoum : besides, Robert Coppin our pilot, made 
relation of a great navigable river and good harbour in the 
other headland of this bay, almost right over against Cape 
Cod, being a right line, not much above eight leagues dis- 
tant in which he had been once : and because that one of 
the wild men, with whom they had some trucking, stole a 
harping iron from them, they called it Thievish Harbour. 
And beyond that place they were enjoined not to go ; 
whereupon a company was chosen to go out upon a third 
discovery : while some were employed in this discovery, 
it pleased God that Mistress White was brought a bed of 
a son, which was called Peregrine. 

The first day, we, through God's mercy, escaped a 
;|r%reat danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Francis 
Billington's sons, who in his father's absence, had got gun- 
| powder, and had shot offa piece or two, and made squibs ; 
and there being a fowling piece charged in his father's ca- 
bin, shot her off in the cabin, there being a little barrel of 
powder half full, scattered in and about the cabin, the fire 
being within four feet of the bed between decks, and ma- 
ny flints and iron things about the cabin, and many people 
about the fire, and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done. 

Wednesday the 6th of December, it was resolved our 
discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too 
foul weather, and so they did, though it was well over the 
day, ere all things could be ready. So ten of our men 



38 

were appointed, who were of themselves willing to under- 
take it, to wit, Captain Standish, Master Carver, William 
Bradford, Edward Winsloe, John Tilley, Edward Til- 
ley, John Houland, and three of London, Richard War- 
ren, Steeven Hopkins, and Edward Dotte, and two of our 
seamen, John Alderton and Thomas English of the ship's 
company, there went two of the master's mates, Master 
Clarke, and Master Coppin, the master gunner and three 
sailors. The narration of which discovery follows pen- 
ned by one of the company. 

Paragraph No. 18. is included in the foregoing. Nos. 

19. 20. 21. and part of No. 22, form but one paragraph ; 
Nos. 19. and 20. are only divided by a colon (:), and No. 

20. is divided from No. 21. by a semicolon (;). In No. 21. 
line 4. what follows is to be inserted, between the words 
" coming into it." and "this place." without either river 
or creek coming into it; " yet we deemed.it to be as good 
an harbour as Cape Cod, for they that sounded it, found a 
ship might ride in five fathom water ; we on the land found 
it to be a level soil, but none of the fruitfulest ; we saw 
two beckes of fresh water, which, were the first running 
streams that we saw in the country, but one might stride 
over them : we found also a great fish called a grampus 
dead on the sands, they in the shallop found two of them 
also in the bottom of the bay, dead in like sort ; they were 
cast up at high water, and could not get off, for the frost and 
ice ; they were some five or six paces long,, and about two 
inches thick of fat, and fleshed like a swine ; they would' 
have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and 
means to have taken it; so we finding nothing for our 
turn, both we and our shallop returned. We then direct- 
ed our course along the sea sands, to the place where we 
first saw the Indians ; when we were there, we saw it was 
also a grampus which they were cutting up, they cut it 
into long rands or pieces, about an ell long, andtwo hand- 
ful broad ; we found here and there a piece scattered by 
the way, as it seemed, for haste :" This place the most 
were minded, &c. 

The paragraph continues to the 17th line of No. 22. and 
ends with the words:, " was ready to assault tfiem;" 



m'ourt's relation. 39 

Then come several new paragraphs, which include part 
of No. 22. ancl'Nos. 23. arid 24. and are as follows : 

There was a lusty man and no whit less valiant, who was 
thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree within half 
a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us ; he 
was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided, for 
he at whom the first arrow was aimed, saw it, and stoop- 
ed down and it flew over him, the rest were avoided also ; 
he stood three shots of a musket, at length one took as he 
said full aim at him, after which he gave an extraordinary 
cry and away they went all ; we followed them about a 
quarter of a mile, but we left six to keep our shal- 
lop, for we were careful of our business ; then we shouted 
all together two several times, and shot off a couple of 
muskets and so returned ; this we did that they might 
see we were not afraid of them nor discouraged. Thus it 
pleased Ood to vanquish our enemies and give us delive- 
rance, by their noise we could not guess that they were 
less than thirty or forty, though some thought that they 
were many more yet in the dark of the morning, we could 
not so well discern them among the trees, as they could 
see us by our fire side, we took up eighteen of their arrows 
which we have sent to England by Master Jones, some 
whereof are headed with brass, others with harts-horn, and 
others with eagles' claws, many more no doubt were shot, 
for these we found, w r ere almost covered with leaves : yet 
by the special providence of God, none of them either hit 

Jbr hurt us, though many carrie close by us, and on every 
side of us, and some coats which hung up in our barricado, 

-were shot through and through. So after we had given 
God thanks for our deliverance, we took our shallop and 
went on our journey, and called this place, the First En- 
counter, from hence we intended to have sailed to the afore- 
said Thievish Harbour, if we found no convenient harbour 
by the way, having the wind good we sailed all that day along 
the coast about fifteen leagues, but saw neither river nor 
creek to put into, after we had sailed an hour or two, it be- 
gan to snow and rain, and to be bad weather ; about the 
midst of the afternoon the wind increased and the seas be- 
gan to be very rough, and the hinges of the rudder broke, 



40 mourt's relation. 

so that we could steer no longer with it, but two men with 
much ado were fain to serve with a couple of oars, the seas 
were grown so great, that we were much troubled and in 
great danger, and night grew on : anon Master Coppin bade 
us be of good cheer he saw the harbour, as we drew near, 
the gale being stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in split 
our mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away 
our shallop, yet by God's mercy recovering ourselves, 
we had the flood with us, and struck into the harbour. 

Now he that thought that had been the place was deceiv- 
ed, it being a place where not any of us had been before, 
and coming into the harbour, he that was our pilot did 
bear up north-ward, which if we had continued we had 
been cast away, yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up 
for an island before us, and recovering of that island, be- 
ing compassed about with many rocks, and dark night 
growing upon us, it pleased the Divine Providence that 
we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop 
did ride safe and secure all night, and coming upon a 
strange island kept our watch all night in the rain upon 
that island : in the morning we marched about it, and 
found no inhabitants at all, and here we made our rendez- 
vous all that day being Saturday, 10th of December, on 
the sabbath day we rested, and Monday we sounded the 
harbour, and found it a very good harbour for our ship- 
ping, we marched also into the land, and found divers corn 
fields, and little running brooks a place very good for sit- 
uation, so we returned to our ship again with good news 
to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their 
hearts. 

On the fifteenth day, we weighed anchor, to go to 
the place we had discovered, and coming within two 
leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but 
were fain to put room again towards Cape Cod, our course 
lying west ; and the wind was at north-west, but it pleas- 
ed God that the next day being Saturday the sixteenth day, 
the wind came fair, and we put to sea again, and came 
safely into a safe harbour ; and within half an hour 
the wind changed, so as we had been letted but a little we 
had gone back to Cape Cod. This harbour is a bay grea- 



mourt's relation. 41 

ter than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly land, and in 
the bay two fine islands uninhabited, wherein are nothing 
but wood, oaks, pines, walnut, beech, sassafras, vines, and 
other trees which we know not; this bay is a most 
hopeful place, innumerable store of fowl, and excellent 
good, and cannot but be offish in their seasons s skate, cod, 
turbot, and herring, we have tasted of ; crabs and lob- 
sters, in their time infinite, It is in fashion like a sickle 
or fish-hook, 

Monday, the 18th day, we went a land, manned with 
the master of the ship and three or four of the sailors, we 
marched along the coast in the woods, some seven or eight 
miles, but saw not an Indian, [Here copy from the Col- 
lections, beginning at the top of p, 221, ; then copy to 
the end of the paragraph we went aboard again, and then 
begin a new paragraph as follows :] 

The next morning being Tuesday the 19th of Decern* 
ber, we went again to discover further ; some went on 
land, and some in the shallop, the land we found as the 
former day we did, and we found a creek, and went up 
three English miles, a very pleasant river at full sea; a bark 
of thirty tons may go up ; but at low water scarce our shal- 
lop could pass ; this place we had a great liking to plant 
in, but that it was so far from our fishing our principal 
profit, and so encompassed with woods, that we should be 
in much danger of the savages, and our number being so 
little, and so much ground to clear, so as we thought good 
to quit and clear that place, till we were of more strength ; 
some of us having a good mind for safety to plant in the 
greater isle, we crossed the bay which there is five or six 
miles over, and found the isle about a mile and a half or two 
miles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three 
pits, that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so 
full of wood, as we could hardly clear so much as to serve 
us for corn, besides we judged it cold for our corn, and 
some part very rocky, yet divers thought it as a place de- 
fensible and of great security. 

That night we returned again a shipboard, with reso- 
lution the next morning to settle on some of those 
places, so in the morning, after we had called on God for 

vol., ix ? 7 



42 mourt's relation. 

direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently 
ashore again, and to take a better view of the two places, 
which we thought most fitting for us, for we could not 
now take time for further search or consideration, our vic- 
tuals being much spent, especially, our beer, and it being 
now the 19th of December. After our landing - — 

Now copy from these words which end the first line of 
No. 25. (Coll. p. 221.) to the end of the paragraph, p. 
222. and continue as follows : 

and tve may see from thence Cape Cod : " our greatest 
labour will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter 
of an English mile, but there is enough so far off; what peo- 
ple inhabit here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen 
none, so there we made our rendezvous, and a place for 
some of our people about twenty, resolving in the morning 
to come all ashore, and to build houses, but the next morn- 
ing being Thursday the 21st of December, it was stormy 
and wet, that we could not go ashore, and those that re- 
mained there all night could do nothing, but were wet, not 
having daylight enough to make them a sufficient court 
of guard, to keep them dry. All that night it blew and 
rained extremely, it was so tempestuous, that the shallop 
could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no 
victuals on land. About 11 o'clock the shallop went off 
with much ado with provision, but could not return it blew 
so strong, and was such foul weather, that we were forced 
to let fall our anchor, and ride with three anchors a head. 

Friday the 22d, the storm still continued, that we could 
not get a land, nor they come to us aboard : this morning 
good wife Alderton was delivered of a son, but dead born. 

Saturday the 23d. So many of us as could, went on 
shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves 
stuff for building. 

Sunday the 24th. Our people on shore heard a crv of 
some savages (as they thought) which caused an alarm, 
and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault, but all 
was quiet. 

Monday the 25th day, we went on shore some to fell tim- 
ber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry, so no 
man rested at all that day, but towards night some'as they 



43 

Were at work, they heard a noise of some Indians, which 
caused us all to go to our muskets, but we heard no fur- 
ther, so we came aboard again, and left some twenty to 
keep the court of guard ; ^that night we had a sore storm 
of wind and rain. 

Paragraph No. 26. is included in the foregoing. 

Next follows No. 27. to the words none at all in the 
5th line. 

Next comes a new paragraph, as follows : 

Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we could 
not go ashore. 

Wednesday, the 27th, w*e went to work again. 

Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 
went to work on the hill, where we proposed to build our 
platform for our ordnance, and which doth command all 
the plain, and the bay, and from whence we may see far 
into the sea, and might be easier empaled, having two rows 
of houses and a fair street. So in the afternoon we went 
to measure out the grounds, and first, we took notice how 
many families they were, [Continue to copy from this 
place in paragraph 27. to the end of it.] 

Then follows No. 28. to the end of it. 

Then two new paragraphs, as follows : 

Monday the 1st of January, we went betimes to work, 
we were much hindered in lying so far off from the land, 
and fain to go as the tide served, that we lost much, for our 
ship drew so much water, that she lay a mile and almost 
a half oft', though a ship of seventy or eighty tons at high 
water may come to shore. 

Wednesday the 3d of January, some of our people be- 
ing abroad, to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires 
of the Indians, and were at their corn fields, yet saw none 
of the savages, nor had seen any of them since we came 
to this bay. 

Now copy No. 29. entire, after which come the follow- 
ing paragraphs : 

Friday the 5th of January, one of the sailors found alive 
upon the shore an herring, which the master had for his 
supper, which put us in hope of fish, but as yet we had 
got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks. 



44 mourt's relation* 

Saturday 6th of January, Master Marten Was very sick 
and to our judgment, no hope of life, so Master Carver 
was sent for to come abroad to speak with him about his 
accounts, who came the next morning. 

Monday the 8th day of January was a very fair day, 
and we went betimes to work, Master Jones sent the shal- 
lop as he had formerly done, to see where fish could be 
got, they had a great storm at sea, and were in some dan- 
ger, at night they returned with three great seals, and an 
excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should 
have plenty offish shortly. 

This day, Francis Billington, having the week before 
seen from the top of a tree on a high hill, a great sea as he 
thought, went with one of the master mates to see it, they 
went three miles, and then came to a great water divided 
into two great lakes, the bigger of them five or six miles 
in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable length square, the 
other three miles in compass ; in their estimation they are 
fine fresh water, full of fish and fowl ; a brook issues from 
it, it will be an excellent help for us in time. They found 
seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited, 
when they saw the houses they were in some fear, for they 
were but two persons and one piece. 

Now copy No. 30. to the end ; after which a new para- 
graph begins as follows : 

Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at work, 
(for it was a fair day) was vehemently taken with a 
grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle bone : it was 
doubted that he would have instantly died, he got cold 
in the former discoveries, especially the last, and felt 
some pain in his ancles by times, but he grew a little bet- 
ter towards night, and in time through God's mercy in 
the use of means recovered. 

Friday the 12th we went to work, but about noon it be- 
gan to rain, that it forced us to give over work. 

This day two of our people put us in great sorrow and 
care, there was four sent to gather and cut thatch in the 
morning, and two of them, John Goodman and Peter 
Brown, having cut thatch all the forenoon, went to a fur- 
ther place, and willed the other two, to bind up that which 



mourt's relation. 45 

was Cut and to follow them ; so they did, being about a 
mile and a half from the plantation : but when the two 
came after, they could not find them, nor hear any thing of 
them at all> though they hollaed and shouted as loud as they 
could, so they returned to the company and told them of 
it : whereupon Master Leaver and three or four more 
went to seek them, but could hear nothing of them, so 
they returning, sent more, but that night they could hear 
nothing at all of them : the next day they armed ten or 
twelve men out, verily thinking the Indians had surprised 
them, they went seeking seven or eight miles, but could 
neither see nor hear any thing at all, so they returned with 
much discomfort to us all. These two that were missed 
at dinner time took their meat in their hands, and [Now 
copy from these words in paragraph 31.* line 2. to the 
end of the paragraph, then continue, without beginning a 
new one, from the last line thereof as follows:] 

was a long while after ere he was able to go ; " those on 
the shore were much comforted at their return, but they 
on shipboard were grieved as deeming them lost ; but the 
next day being the 14th January, in the morning about 
six of the clock the wind being very great, tbey on ship- 
board spied their great new rendezvous on fire, which was 
to them a new discomfort, fearing because of the supposed 
loss of the men, that the savages had fired them, neither 
could they presently go to them for want of water but af- 
ter three quarters of an hour they went, as they had propos- 
ed the day before to keep the sabbath on shore, because 
now there was the greater number of people. At their 
landing they heard good tidings of the return of the two 
men, and that the house was fired occasionally by a spark 
that flew [Here continue from these words in lines 1. and 
2. paragraph 32. to the end of the paragraph.] 

Paragraph 33. makes two paragraphs in the original. 
The first ends with the words were all wet. 

Copy paragraph 34. entire, then write what follows : 

Saturday 20th we made up our shed for our common 
goods* 

* Misprinted 34. 



46 Mourt's relation. 

Sunday the 21st. We kept our meeting on land. 

Monday the 22d was a fair day, we wrought on our hou- 
ses, and in the afternoon carried up our hogsheads of meal 
to our common store house. 

The rest of the week we followed our business likewise. 

Monday the 29th in the morning cold frost and sleet, 
but after reasonable fair ; both the long boat and the shal- 
lop brought our common goods on shore. 

Tuesday and Wednesday 30th and 31st of January, 
cold frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work in 
the morning, the master and others saw two savages, 
that had been on the island near our ship, what they came 
for we could not tell, they were going so far back again 
before they were descried, that we could not speak with 
them. 

Sunday the 4th of February, was very wet and rainy, 
with the greatest gusts of w T ind that ever we had since we 
came forth, that though we rid in a very good harbour, 
yet we were in danger, because the ship was light, the 
goods taken out, and she unballasted ; and it caused 
much daubing to our houses to fall down. 

Friday the 9th. Still the cold weather continued, that 
we could do little work. That afternoon our little house 
for our sick people was set on fire by a spark that kindled 
in the roof, but no great harm was done. That evening 
the master going ashore, killed five geese, which he friend- 
ly distributed among the sick people ; he found also a 
good deer killed, the savages had cut off the horns, and a 
wolf was eating of him, how he came there we could not 
conceive. 

Friday the 16th day, was a fair day, but the northerly 
wind continued, which continued the frost, this day after- 
noon one of our people being a fowling, and having taken 
a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a mile and an 
half from our plantation, there came by him twelve 
Indians, marching towards our plantation, and in the 
woods he heard the noise of many more, he lay close till 
they were passed, and then with what speed he could he 
went home and gave the alarm, so the people abroad in the 
woods returned and armed themselves, but saw none of 



47 

them, only towards evening they made a great fire, about 
the place where they were first discovered I Captain Miles 
Standish, and Francis Cooke, being at work in the woods, 
coming home, left their tools behind them, but before 
they returned, their tools were taken away by the savages. 
This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more 
strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, 
which by the moisture and rain were out of temper. 

Saturday the 17th day, in the morning we called a meet- 
ing for the establishing of military orders among ourselves, 
and we chose Miles Standish our captain, and gave him 
authority of command in affairs ; and as we were in con- 
sultation hereabouts two savages presented themselves 
upon the top of an hill, over against our plantation, about 
a quarter of a mile and less, and made signs unto us to 
come unto them, we likewise made signs unto them to 
come to us, whereupon we armed ourselves, and stood 
ready, and sent two over the brook towards them, to wit, 
Captain Standish and Steven Hopkins, who went towards 
them, only one of them had a musket, which they laid 
down on the ground in their sight, in sign of peace, and 
to parley with them, but the savages would not tarry their 
coming : a noise of a great many more was heard behind 
the hill, but no more came in sight This caused us to 
plant our great ordnances in places most convenient. 

Wednesday the 21st of February, the master on shore 
with many of his sailors and brought with him one of the 
great pieces called a minion, and helped us to draw it up 
the hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mount- 
ed them, and a sailer and two bases ; he brought with him 
a very fot goose to eat with us, and we had a fat crane, 
and a mallard, and a dried neats-tongue, and so we were 
kindly and friendly together. 

Saturday the 3d of March, the wind was south, the 
morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair wea^ 
ther ; the birds sang in the woods most pleasantly, at one 
of the clock it thundered, which was the first we heard 
in that country, it was strong and great claps, but short, 
but after an hour it rained very sadly till midnight. 



48 

Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full 
east, cold, but fair, that day Master Carver with five other 
went to the great ponds, which seem to be excellent fish- 
ing places ; all the way they went they found it exceed- 
ingly beaten and haunted with deer, but they saw none ; 
amongst other fowl, they saw one a milk white fowl, with 
a very black head ; this day some garden seeds were sown, 

Friday the 16th a fair warm day towards ;* this morning 
we determined to conclude of the military orders, which 
we had began to consider of before, but were interrupted 
by the savages, as we mentioned formerly ; and whilst 
we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again, for 
there presented himself a savage, which caused an ala- 
rum, [Here copy from these words in paragraph 37. (35. 
and 36. being included in the foregoing) to the end of 
paragraph 40., observing that 37. and 38. make but one 
paragraph, divided by a semicolon, (;) thus : " and watch' 
ed him ; the next day he went away back to the" Sec] 

After paragraph 40. begin a new paragraph, and copy 
as follows : 

The sabbath day when we sent them from us, we gave 
every of them some trifles, especially, the principal of 
them, we carried them along with our arms to the place 
where they left their bows and arrows, whereat they were 
amazed, and two of them began to slink away, but that 
the other called them, when they took their arrows, we 
bade them farewell, and they were glad, and so with many 
thanks given us they departed and promise they would 
come again, 

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days, we digged our 
grounds, and sowed our garden seeds. 

Wednesday a fine warm day, we sent away Samoset. 

That day we had again a meeting, to conclude of laws 
and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those military or- 
ders that were formerly propounded, and twice broken off 
by the savages coming, but so we were again the third 
time, for after we had been an hour together, on the top 

* A fair warm day towards ; it is so in the original ; perhaps the punctua* 
tion is wrong, 



49 

of the hill over against us two or three savages presented 
themselves, that made semblance of daring us, as we 
thought, so Captain Standish with another, with their mus- 
kets went over to them, with two of the master's mates that 
follows them without arms, having two muskets with them, 
they whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, and 
made shew of defiance, but when our men drew near them 
they ran away. Thus we were again interrupted by 
them ; this day with much ado we got our carpenter that 
had been long sick of the scurvy, to fit our shallop, to 
fetch all from aboard. 

Now copy paragraphs 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47., ob- 
serving that 41. and 42. make but one paragraph ; so 
do 43. 44. and 45. 

Here ends the main Journal ; it is followed by the Jour- 
ney to Packanokik, thus entitled : 

A Journey to Packanokik, the habitation of the great King 
Massasoyt. As also our message, the answer, and en- 
tertainment ice had of him. 

Now copy paragraph 48. (Coll. p. 232.) to the end of 
it, and at the end add what follows : 

might be acceptable amongst them. The message was 
as followeth ; that forasmuch as his subjects came 
often and without fear, upon all occasions amongst us, 
so we were now come unto him, and in witness of 
the love and good will the English bare unto him, 
the governour hath sent him a coat, desiring that the 
peace and amity that was between them and us might be 
continued, not that we feared them, but because we in- 
tended not to injure any, desiring to live peaceably : and as 
with all men, so especially with them our nearest neigh- 
bours. But whereas his people came very often, and very 
many together unto us, bringing for the most part their 
wives and children with them, they were welcome ; yet 
we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plim- 
moth, and not knowing how our corn might prosper, we 
could no longer give them such entertainment as we had 

vol. ix. 8 



■ ■ 



50 

done, and as we desired still to do; yet if he would be 
pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his desir- 
ed to see us, coming from him they should be welcome; 
and to the end we might know them from others our 
governour had sent him a copper chain, desiring if any 
messenger should come from him to us, we might know 
him by bringing it with him, and hearken and give credit 
to his message accordingly. Also requesting him that 
such as have skins, should bring them to us, and that he 
would hinder the multitude from oppressing us with them. 
And whereas at pur first arrival at Paomet (called by us 
Cape Cod) we found there corn buried in the ground, and 
finding no inhabitants but some graves of dead new buried, 
took the corn, resolving if ever we couldhear of any that 
had right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it, 
yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled for 
fear of us, our desire was either to pay them with the like 
quantity of corn, English meal, or any other commodities 
we had to pleasure them withal; requesting him that 
some one of his men might signify so much unto them, 
and we would content him for his pains. And last of all, 
our governour requested one favour of him, which was, 
that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with 
us, that we might try ail which best agreed with the soil 
where we live. I . '. 

With these presents and message we set forward the 
tenth [Now continue paragraph; 49. from these words at 
the beginning thereof, and also paragraph 50. which makes 
but one with 49. At the end of 50. add what follows :] 

Upon this river dwelleth Massasoyt : it cometh into the 
sea at Narrohiganset Bay, where the Frenchmen so much 
use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the savages 
report, and a shallop to the head of it : but so far as we 
saw, we are sure a shallop may. 

But to return to our journey : The next morning we 
brake [Here copy paragraph 51. from these words at the 
beginning to the end of it.] 

Next copy paragraph 52. to the end of it. 

Next copy paragraph 53. and at the end of it add what 
follows : 



51 

exceeding great chesnut trees. The country in res- 
pect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, like 
many places in England. In some places it is very rocky 
both above ground and in it : and though the country be 
wild and overgrown with woods, yet the trees stand not 
thick, but a man may well ride a horse amongst them. 

Passing on at length, one of the company an Indian es- 
pied a man, and told the rest of it, we asked them if they 
feared any, they told us that if they were Narrohigganset 
men they would not trust them, whereat, we called for 
our pieces and bid them not to fear ; for though they were 
twenty, we two alone would not care for them : but they 
hailing him he proved a friend, and had only two women 
with him : their baskets were empty, but they fetched 
water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and 
departed. After we met another man with other two 
women which had been at rendezvous by the salt water, 
and their baskets were full of roasted crab fishes, and 
other dried shell fish, of which they gave us, and we eat 
and drank with them : and gave each of the women a 
string of beads, and departed. 

Now copy paragraphs 54. 55. 56. and 57. under the 
following observations : 

Paragraph 54. line 10. after the word " interpreter," a 
new paragraph, and line 17. after the word " attired," also 
a new paragraph. 

Paragraph 55. line 1. of page 236. after the words " un- 
to us," a new paragraph. 

Paragraphs 56. and 57 make but one paragraph. At 
the end of 57. add what here follows; beginning a new 
paragraph : ; i < . 

At this town of Massasoyts, where we before eat, we 
were again refreshed with a little fish ; and bought about 
a. handful of meal of their parched corn, which was very 
precious at that time of the year, and a small string of 
dried shell fish, as big as oysters. The latter we gave to 
the six savages that accompanied us, keeping the meal 
for ourselves, when we drank we eat each a spoonful of 
it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of other victuals ; and 
of this also we could not but give them so long as it last- 



52 mourt's relation. 

ed. Five miles they led us to a house out of the way in 
hope of victuals : but we found no body there, and so we 
were but worse able to return home. That night we 
reached to the wear where we lay before, but the Namas- 
cheucks were returned : so that we had no hope of any 
thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad in the 
water, and a small squirrel as big as a rat, called a neuxis, 
the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the 
wear to fish. From hence he wrote to Plimouth, and sent 
Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him from 
thence to send another, that we might meet us with food 
at Namasket. Two men now only remained with us, and 
it pleased God to give them good store of fish, so that we 
we were well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and 
they to fishing again : more they gat and fell to eating 
afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all our break- 
fasts. About two o'clock in the morning arose a great 
storm of wind, rain, lightning and thunder, in such violent 
manner, that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the 
savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set 
forward fasting : for the rain still continued with great 
violence, even the whole day through, till we came within 
two miles of home. 

Being wet and weary, at length we came to Namaschet, 
there we refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as 
had shewed us any kindness. Amongst others one of the 
six that came with us from Packanokik, having before this 
on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we gave him 
nothing, and told us what he had done for us ; we also 
told him of some discourtesies he offered us, whereby he 
deserved nothing, yet we gave him a small trifle : where- 
upon he offered us tobacco : but the house being full 
of people, we told them he stole some by the way, and if 
it were of that we would not take it : for we would not 
receive that which was stolen upon any terms ; if we did 
our God would be angry with us, and'destroy us. This 
abashed him, and gave the rest great content : but at our 
departure he would needs carry him on his back through 
a river, whom he had formerly "in some sort abused. Fain 
they would have had us to lodge there all night : and 



RELATION. 53 

wondered we would set forth again in such weather : but 
God be praised, we came safe home that night, though 
wet, weary and surbated. 



A Voyage made by ten oj our men to the Kingdom of Nau- 
set, to seek a boy that had lost himself in the woods ; 
with such accidents that befell us in that voyage. 

Under this title copy paragraphs 58. and 59. 

Then comes paragraph 60. to be copied entire, with 
the following addition in the 7th line : 

sachim of Nauset wherefore we came. The savages 
here came very thick amongst us, and were earnest with 
us to bring in our boat. But we neither well could, nor 
yet desired to do it, because we had less cause to trust 
them, being they only had formerly made an assault upon 
us in the same place, in time of our winter discovery for 
habitation. And indeed it was no marvel they did so, for 
howsoever through snow or otherwise we saw no houses, 
yet we were in the midst of them. 

When our boat was aground they came very thick, 
but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any 
to enter except two : the one being of Maramoick, and 
one of those, whose corn we had formerly found, we pro- 
mised him restitution, and desired him either to come to 
Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring them so 
much corn again, he promised to come, we used him ve- 
ry kindly for the present. Some few skins we gat there 
but not many. After sun-set, &c. to the end of para- 
graph 60. 

Now copy paragraph 61, ending with the words upon 
one of us, in the last line but one ; then the following pa- 
ragraphs : 

Again we set out but to small purpose : for we gat but 
little homeward. Our water also was very brackish, and 
not to be drank. 

The next morning, Iyanough espied us again and ran 
after us ; we being resolved to go to Cummaquid again to 



54 mourt's relation. 

water, took him into the shallop, whose entertainment 
was not inferiour unto the former. 

The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, 
not so good for corn as where we are ; ships may safely 
ride in either harbour : in the summer, they abound with 
fish. Being now watered, we put forth again, and by 
God's providence, came safely home that night. 



A Journey to the Kingdom of Namaschet in defence of the 
great King Massasoyt against the Narrohiggansets, 
and to revenge the supposed death of our Interpreter 
Tisquantum. 

At our return from Nauset, we found it true, that 
Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohiggan- 
sets. Word also was brought unto us, that one Couba- 
tant a petty sachim or governour under Massasoyt (whom 
they ever feared to be too conversant with the Narrohig- 
gansets) was at Namaschet, who sought to draw the 
hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him, speaking also 
disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, 
Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum the worker of it ; 
also at Tokamahamon, and one Hobbamock (two Indians 
or Leinesj one of which he would treacherously have mw> 
dered a little before, being a special and trusty man of 
Massasoyt's) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other 
two would not : yet put: their lives in their hands, pri- 
vately went to see if they could hear of their king, and 
lodging at Namaschet were discovered to Coubatant, who 
set a guard to beset the house and took Tisquantum (for 
he had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their 
tongue) Hobbamock seeing that Tisquantum was taken, 
and Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong 
and stout man, brake from them and came to New Plirn- 
mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom 
he thought to be slain. * i 

Upon this news the company assembled together, and 
resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to Na- 
maschet and Hobbamock, for their guide, to revenge the 



55 

supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter 
enemy, and to retain Nepeof, another sachim or govern- 
our, who was of this confederacy, till we heard, what was 
become of our friend Massasoyt. 

On the morrow we set out ten men armed, who took 
their journey as aforesaid, but the day proved very wet. 
When we supposed we were within three or four miles of 
Namaschet, we went out of the way and staid there till 
night, because we would not be discovered. There we 
consulted what to do, and thinking best to beset the 
house at midnight, each was appointed his task by the 
captain, all men encouraging one another to the utmost 
of their power. 

By night our guide lost his way, which much discour- 
aged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our 
arms: but one of our men having been before at Na- 
maschet brought us into the way again. - 

Before weearae to the town we sat down and eat such 
as our knapsack afforded, that being done, we threw 
them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so 
went on and beset the house, according to our last reso- 
lution. Those that entered, demanded if Coubatant were 
not there; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. 
We charge them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not 
there, we would not meddle with them, if he were, we 
came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the 
supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters : but 
howsoever we would not at all hurt their women or chil- 
dren. Notwithstanding some of them pressed out at a 
private door and escaped, but with some wounds : at 
length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Couba- 
tant was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum 
was yet living, and in the town offering some tobacco, 
other such as they had to eat. In this hurley hurley we 
discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified 
all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokamaha- 
mon, who though they knew not our end in comings yet 
assured them of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. 
Those boys that were in the house seeing our care of wo- 
men, often cried Neensquaes, that is to say, I am a wo- 



56 mourt's relation. 

man : the women also hanging upon Hobbamock, calling 
him Towam, that is, Friend. But to be short, we kept 
them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see 
to search the house, in the mean time, Hobbamock gat on 
the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Toka- 
mahamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, 
some armed and others naked. Those that had bows and 
arrows we took them away, promising them again when it 
was day. The house was took for our better safeguard : 
but released those we had taken, manifesting whom we 
came for and wherefore. 

On the next morning we marched into the midst of 
the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to 
breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were upright 
towards us, but all Combatant's faction were fled away. 
There in the midst of them we manifested again our in- 
tendment, assuring them, that although Coubatant had 
now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him 
and his from us if he continued his threatening us, and 
provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained 
him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so 
justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return 
in safety from Narrohigganset, or if hereafter he should 
make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to 
Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, 
we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him 
and his. As for those were wounded, we were sorry for 
it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the 
house at our command : yet if they would return home 
with us, our surgeon should heal them. 

At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded 
went home with us, Tisquantum and many other known 
friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might 
be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that 
by God's good providence we safely returned home the 
morrow night after we set forth. 

(***) A.f 

f Perhaps Isaac Allerton (or Alderton) is intended by this signature. From 
his known energy and activity, he may be presumed to be one of the men ac- 
companying Standish on this expedition. In one of the early interviews with 



57 



A Relation of our Voyage to the Massachusets, and what 
happened there. 

It seemed good to the company in general, that though 
the Massachusets had often threatened us (as we were in- 
formed) yet we should go amongst them, partly to see the 
country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to 
procure their truck. 

For these ends the governours chose ten men, fit for 
the purpose, and sent Tisquantum, and two other sa- 
vages to bring us to speech with the people, and interpret 
for us. 

We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for 
us ; we supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be 
there the next morning betimes : but it proved well near 
twenty leagues from New Plimmouth. 

We came into the bottom of the bay, but being late 
we anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen 
any of the people. The next morning we put in for the 
shore. There we found many lobsters that had been ga- 
thered together by the savages, which we made ready un- 
der a cliff. The captain set two sentinels behind the 
cliff to the landward to secure the shallop, and taking a 
guide with him, and four of our company, went to seek 
the inhabitants, where they met a woman coming for her 
lobsters, they told her of them, and contented her for them. 
She told them where the people were ; Tisquantum went 
to them, the rest returned, having direction which way to 
bring the shallop to them. 

The sachim, or governour of this place, is called Obba- 
tinewat, and though he live in the bottom of the Massa- 
chuset Bay, yet he is under Massasoyt. He used us very 
kindly, he told us, he durst not then remain in any set- 
tled place, for fear of the Tarentines. Also the squaw 
sachim or Massachusets queen was an enemy to him. 

the Indians, " Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton went venturously" to 
meet them. [Relation, §. 45.] It appears that this narration was written by- 
one of the party. " On the morrow we set out," &c. 
VOL. IX. 9 



58 mourt's relation. 

We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged 
themselves to be King James his men, and if he also would 
submit himself, we would be his safeguard from his en- 
emies ; which he did, and went along with us to bring us 
to the squaw sachim. Again we crossed the bay which 
is very large, and hath at least fifty islands in it : but the 
certain number is not known to the inhabitants. Night 
it was before we came to that side of the bay where this 
people were, on shore the savages but found ho body. 
That night also we rid at anchor aboard the shallop. 

On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and 
marched in arms up in the country. Having gone three 
miles, we came to a place where corn had been newly ga- 
thered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A 
mile from hence, Nanepashemet their king in his life time 
had lived. His house was not like others, but a scaffold 
was largely built, with poles and planks some six foot 
from ground, and the house upon that, being situated 
on the top of a hill. 

Not far from hence in a bottom, we came to a fort 
built by their deceased king, the manner thus ; there 
were poles some thirty or forty foot long, stuck in the 
ground as thick as they could be set one by another, and 
with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty foot 
over. A trench breast high was digged on each side ; 
one way there was to go into it with a bridge ; in the 
midst of this palisado stood the frame of an house, where- 
in being dead he lay buried. 

About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but 
seated on the top of an hill : here Nanepashemet was kill- 
ed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death. At 
this place we staid, and sent two savages to look the inhab- 
itants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they 
might not be fearful of us : within a mile of this place they 
found the women of the place together, with their corn on 
heaps, whither we supposed them to be fled for fear of us, 
and the more, because in divers places they had newly 
pulled down their houses, and for haste in one place had 
left some of their corn covered with a mat/and no body 
with it. 



59 

With much fear they entertained us at first, but seeing 
our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart and en- 
tertained us in the best manner they could, boiling cod and 
such other things as they had for us, at length with much 
sending for came one of their men, shaking and trembling 
for fear. But when he saw we intended them no hurt, 
but came to truck, he promised us with his skins also. 
Of him we inquired for their queen, but it seemed she was 
far from thence, at least we could not see her. 

Here Tisquantum would have had us rifled the savage 
women, and taken their skins, and all such things as might 
be serviceable for us ; for (said he) they are a bad peo- 
ple, and have oft threatened you : but our answer was; 
■were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or 
give them any just occasion against us : for their words 
we little weighed them, but if they once attempted any 
thing against us, then we would deal far worse than he 
desired. ^ m 

Having well spent the day, we returned to the shallop, 
almost all the women accompanying us, to truck, who sold 
their coats from their backs, and tied boughs about them, 
but with great shamefaced ness (for indeed they are more 
modest than some of our English women are) we promis- 
ed them to come again to them, and they us, to keep their 
skins. 

Within this bay, the savages say, there are two rivers ; 
the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, but we had 
no time to discover it. Better harbours for shipping can- 
not be than here are. At the entrance of the bay are ma- 
ny rocks : and in all likelihood very good fishing ground. 
Many, yea, most of the islands have been inhabited, some 
being cleared from end to end, but the people are all dead 
or removed. 

Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and 
having a light moon, we set out at evening, and through 
the goodness of God, came safely home before noon the 
day following. 



60 

A Letter sent from New England to a friend in these parts, 
setting forth a brief and true Declaration of the worth 
of that Plantation ; as also certain useful Directions for 
such as intend a voyage into those parts. 

Loving, and old friend, although I received no letter 
from you by this ship, yet forasmuch as I know you expect 
the performance of my promise, which was, to write unto 
you truly and faithfully on all things. I have therefore at 
this time sent unto you accordingly. Referring you for 
further satisfaction to our more large relations. You shall 
understand, that in this little time, that a few of. us have 
been here, we have built seven dwelling houses, and four 
for the use of the plantation, and have made preparation 
for divers others. We set the last spring some twenty 
acres of Indian corn, and sowed some six acres of barley 
and peas, and according to the manner of Indians, we 
manured our ground with herrings or rather shads r which 
we have in great abundance, and take with great ease at 
our doors. Our corn did prove well, and God be prais- 
ed, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our bar- 
ley indifferent good, but our peas not worth the gathering, 
for we feared they were too late sown, they came up very 
well and blossomed, but the sun parched them in the 
blossom ; our harvest being gotten in, our governour 
sent four men on fowling, that so we might after a more 
special manner rejoice together, after we had gathered the 
fruit of our labours ; they four in one day killed as much 
fowl, as with a little help beside, served the company almost 
a week, at which time amongst other recreations, we exer- 
cised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, 
and amongst the rest their greatest king Massasoyt, with 
some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained 
and feasted, and they went out and killed five deer, which 
they brought to the plantation and bestowed on our go- 
yernour, and upon the captain and others. And although 
iqjjjj be not always so plentiful, as it was at this time with us, 
y6t by the goodness of God, we are so far from want, that 
we often wish you partakers of our plenty. We have 
found the Indians very faithful in their covenant of peace 
with us ; very loving and ready to pleasure us ; we often 



mourt's relation. 61 

go to them, and they come to us : some of us have been 
fifty miles by land in the country with them : the occa- 
sions and relations whereof, you shall understand by our 
general and more full declaration of such things as are 
worth the noting, yea, it hath pleased God so to possess 
the Indians with a fear of us, and love unto us, that not 
only the greatest king amongst them called Massasoyt, 
but also all the princes and peoples round about us, have 
either made* suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to 
make peace with us, so that seven of them at once have 
sent their; messengers to us to that end, yea, an isle at sea, 
which, we never saw hath also together with the former 
yielded willingly to be under the protection, and subjects 
to our sovereign lord King James, so that there is now 
great peace amongst the Indians themselves, which was 
not formerly neither would have been but for us; and 
we for our parts walk as peaceably and safely in the wood, 
as in the highways in England, we entertain them fami- 
liarly in our houses, and they as friendly bestowing their 
venison on us. They are people without any religion, or 
knowledge of any God, yet very trusty, quick of appre- 
hension, ripe witted, just, the men and women go naked, 
only a skin abouMheir middles ; for the temper of the air, 
hereitagreeth well with that in England, and if there be any 
difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer, some 
think it to be colder in winter, but I cannot out of expe- 
rience so say ; the air is very clear and not foggy, as hath 
been reported, I never in my life remember a more season- 
able year, than we have here enjoyed : and if we have once 
but kine, horses, and sheep, I make no question, but men 
might live as contented here, as in any part of the world. 
For fish and fowl, we have a great abundance, fresh cod in 
the summer is but coarse meat with us, our bay is full of 
lobsters all the summer, and affordeth variety of other fish ; 
in September we can take hogshead of eels in a night, 
with small labour, and can dig them out of their beds all 
the winter, we have muscles and *othus at our doors : oys- 
ters we have none near, but we can have them brought by 

*The meaning of the word othus we leave to conjecture. The accuracy 
of the copy furnished by Mr. Du Ponceau cannot be doubted. Perhaps 
clams were intended. 



62 mourt's relation. 

the Indians when we will ; all the spring time the earth 
sendeth forth naturally very good salad herbs : here are 
grapes, white and red, and very sweet and strong also. 
Strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries, &c. plums of three 
sorts, *with black and red, being almost as good as a 
damson : abundance of roses, white, red, and damask : 
single, but very sweet indeed ; the country^ wanteth only 
industrious men to employ, for it would grieve your hearts 
(if as I) you had seen so many miles togelj^er by goodly 
rivers uninhabited, and withal to consider 1 those parts of 
the world wherein you live, to be even greatly burthened 
with abundance of people. These things I thought good 
to let you understand, being the truth of things as near as 
I could experimentally take knowledge of, and that you 
might on our behalf give God thanks who hath dealt so 
favourably with us. 

Our supply of men from you came the ninth of No- 
vember 1621 putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten 
leagues from us, the Indians that dwell thereabout were 
they who were owners of the corn which we found in 
caves, for which we have given them full content, and 
are in great league with them, they sent us word there 
was a ship near unto them, but thought it to be a French- 
man, and indeed for ourselves, we expected not a friend 
so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our 
bay, the governour commanded a great piece to be shot 
off, to call home such as were abroad at work ; whereup- 
on every man, yea, boy that could handle a gun were 
ready, with full resolution, that if she were an enemy, we 
would stand in our just defence, not fearing them, but 
God provided better for us than we supposed; these 
came all in health unto us, not any being sick by the way 
(otherwise than by sea-sickness) and so continue at this 
time, by the blessing of God the good wife Ford was de- 
livered of a son the first night she landed, and both of 
them are very well. When it pleaseth God we are set* 
tied and fitted for the fishing business, and other trading, 
I doubt not but by the blessing of God, the gain will 
give content to all ; in the mean time, that we have got- 
ten we have sent by this ship, and though it be not much, 
* Probably misprinted for white. Ed. 



nW' 



63 



yet it will witness for us, that we have not been idle, con- 
sidering the smallness of our number all this summer. 
We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be encour- 
aged to furnish us with thing needful for further employ- 
ment, which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves 
to the uttermost. Now because I expect your coming 
unto us with other of our friends, whose company we 
much desire,. I thought good to advertise you of a few 
things needfnl ; be careful\o have a very good bread 
room to put your biscuits in, let your cask for beer and 
water be iron-bound for the first tire if not more ; let not 
your meat be dry salted, none can better do it than the 
sailors; let your meal be so hard trod in your cask that 
you shall need an adze or hatchet to work it out with : 
trust not too much on us for corn at this time, for by 
reason of this last company that came depending wholly 
upon us, we shall have little enough to harvest ; be care- 
ful to come by some of your meal to spare by the way, 
it will much refresh you, build your cabins open as you 
can and bring good store of clothes, and *being \a ith you ; 
bring every man a musket or fowling piece, let your 
piece be long in the barrel, and f.ar not the weight of it, 
for most of our .shooting is from stands; bring juice of 
lemons, and take it fasting, it is of good use ; for hot wa- 
ters, aniseed water is the best, but use it sparingly: if 
you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter or 
salad oil, or both is very good ; our Indian corn even the 
coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice, therefore spare 
that unless to spend by the way ; bring paper, and linseed 
oil for your windows, with cotton yarn for your lamps, 
let your shot be most for big fowls, and bring store of 
powder and shot ; I forbear further to write for the pres- 
ent, hoping to see you by the next return, so I take my 
leave, commending you to the Lord for a safe conduct 



unto us, resting in him 



Your loving friend 



Plimmouth in New England this 
llth of December, 1621. 



E. W.f 



* Perhaps bedding is meant. Ed. 
f Edward Winsloiv. 



64 MOURT'S REylTION. 



Reasons and Considerations touching the lawful- 
ness of removing out of England into the parts 
of America, 

The Pre- Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily 

amble. - . . . J . i • i , • • V> 

made against the going into, and inhabiting of 
foreign desert places, to the hinderance of plan- 
tations abroad, and the increase of distractions 
at home : it is not amiss that some which have 
been ear witnesses of the exceptions made, and 
are either agents or abettors of such removals 
and plantations, do seek to give content to the 
world, in all things that possibly they can. 

And although the most of the opposites are 
such as either dream of raising their fortunes 
here, to that than which there is nothing more 
unlike, or such as affecting their home-born 
country so vehemently, as that they had rather 
with all their friends beg, yea starve in it, than 
undergo a little, difficulty in seeking abroad : yet 
are there some who out of doubt in tenderness 
of conscience, and fear to offend God by run- 
ning before they be called, are straitened and do 
straiten others, from going to foreign planta- 
tions. 

For whose cause especially, I have been 
drawn out of my good affection to them, to pub- 
lish some reasons that might give them content 
and satisfaction, and also stay and stop the 
wilful and witty caviller : and herein I trust I 
shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though 
through my slender judgment I should miss the 
mark, and not strike the nail on the head, con- 
sidering it is the first attempt that hath been 
made (that I know of) to defend those enterpri- 
ses. Reason would therefore, that if any man 
of deeper reach and better judgment see fur- 
ther or otherwise, that he rather instruct me than 
deride me. 



65 

And being studious for brevity, we must first q^} ^ l 
consider, that whereas God of old did call and 29. &35. 1. 
summon our fathers by predictions, dreams, vi- 
sions, and certain illuminations to eo from their Mat. 2. 19. 

I • 1 l 1 1*. *• ? -i i Gal. 105. 13. 

countries, places and habitations to reside and 
dwell here or there, and to wander up and down 
from city to city, and land to land, according to 
his will and pleasure. Now there is no such 
calling to be expected for any matter whatsoev- 
er, neither must any so much as imagine that 
there will now be any such thing. God did Heb. 1. 1,2. 
once train up his people, but now he doth not, 
but speaks in another manner, and so we must 
apply ourselves to God's present dealing, and to 
his wonted dealing: and as the miracle of giv- 
ing manna ceased, when the fruits of the land Josh - 5 - 12 - 
became plenty, so God having such a plentiful 
storehouse of directions in his holy word, there 
must not now any extraordinary revelations be 
expected. 

But now the ordinary examples and precepts 
of the scriptures reasonably and rightly under- 
stood and applied, must be the voice and word, 
that must call us, and direct us in every action. 

Neither is there any land or possession now, 
like unto the possession which the Jews had in 
Canaan, being legally holy and appropriated unto Gen17 - 8 - 
a holy people the seed of Abraham, in which 
they dwelt securely, and had their days prolong- 
ed, it being by an immediate voice said, that 
he (the Lord) gave it them as a land of rest 
after their weary travels, and a type of eternal 
rest in heaven, but now there is no land of that 
sanctimony, no land so appropriated ; none typi- 
cal; much less any that can be said to be given 
of God to any nation as was Canaan, which they 
and their seed must dwell in till God sendeth 
upon them sword or captivity : but now we 
j^ are all in all places strangers and pilgrims, travel- 2 . Cor. 
lers and sojourners, most properly, having no MAA 

vol. ix. 10 



66 

fewTbut l et dwelling but in this earthern tabernacle ; our 
their tempo- dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding 
Lnd bl 1nheS but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is no 
tances were wnere but in the heavens ; in that house not 

more large ' . 7 

than ours, made with hands, whose maker and builder is 
God, and to which all ascend that love the com- 
ing of our Lord Jesus. 

Though then, there may be reasons to per- 
suade a man to live in this or that land, yet there 
cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had, 
but now as natural, civil and religious bands tie 
men, so they must be bound, and as good rea- 
sons for things terrene and heavenly appear, so 

object. tne y must oe j ec b And so here falleth in our 
question, how a man that is here born and bred, 
and hath lived some years, may remove himself 
into another country. 

Answ. 1. I answer, a man must not respect only to 

live, and do good to himself, but he should see 
where he can live to do most good to others ; 

may atp h e e r nce f° r as one saith, He ivlwse living is but for him- 

remove. self it is time he were dead. Some men there 
are who of necessity must here live, as being 
tied to duties either to church, commonwealth, 
household, kindred, &c. but others, and that 
many, who do no good in none of those nor can 
do none, as being not able, or not in favour, or 
as wanting opportunity, and live as outcasts : 
nobodies, eye. sores, eating but for themselves, 
teaching but themselves, and doing good to 
none, either in soul or body, and so pass over 
days, years and months, yea so live and so die. 
Now such should lift up their eyes and see 
whether there be not some other place and coun- 
try to which they may go to do good and have 
2. why use towards others of that knowledge, wisdom, 

rtmove h ° uld humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, &c. 
which God hath given for the service of others 
and his own glory. 



\ 



mourt's relation. 67 



But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far 
as to name any, though I confess I know many, 
who sit here still with their talent in a napkin, Luk.19.20. 
having notable endowments both of body and 
mind, and might do great good if they were in 
some places, which here do none, nor can do 
none, and yet through fleshly fear, niceness, 
straitness of heart, &x. sit still and look on, and 
will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of 
pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the 
knowledge and salvation of the sons of Adam Reas. 1. 
in that new world, where a drop of the know- 
ledge of Christ is most precious, which is here 
not set by. Now what shall we say to such a 
profession of Christ, to which is joined no more 
denial of a man's self? But some will say, what 0b . ect 
right have I to go live in the heathens' country ? 

Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts Answ. 
and agreements which our Englishmen have 
long since made in those parts, together with 
the acknowledgment of the histories and chro- 
nicles of other nations who profess the land of 
America from the Cape de Florida unto the 
Bay of Canado (which is south and north three 
hundred leagues and upwards ; and east and 
west, further than yet hath been discovered) is 
proper to the king of England, yet letting that 
pass, lest I be thought to meddle further than it 
concerns me, or further than I have discerning : 
I will mention such things as are within my 
reach, knowledge, sight and practice, since I 
have travailed in these affairs. 

And first seeing we daily pray for the con- Reas 2 - 
version of the heathens, we must consider whe- 
ther there be not some ordinary means, and 
course for us to take to convert them, or whe- 
ther prayer for them be only referred to God's 
extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seem- 
eth unto me that we ought also to endeavour 
and use the means to convert them or they come 



68 mourt's relation. 

to us ; to us they cannot come, our land is full, 
to them we may go, their land is empty. 

Reas.3* This then is a sufficient reason to prove our 

going thither to live, lawful : their land is spa- 
cious and void and there are few and do but run 
over the grass, as do also the foxes, and wild 
beasts : they are not industrious, neither have 
art, science, skill or faculty to use either the 
land or the commodities of it, but all spoils, rots, 
and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, 
ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs there- 
fore removed from straiter places into more roo- 
my, where the land lay idle and waste, and none 
used it, though there dwelt inhabitants by them, 
as Gen. 13. 6. 11. 12. and 34. 21. and 41. 20. 
So is it lawful now to take a land which none 
useth, and make use of it. 

Reas.4. And as it is common land or unused and un- 

. dressed countrv ; so we have it by common con- 
it is to be . - ' 1-1 
considered sent, composition and agreement, which agree- 

TngNewEn" ment is double : First the imperial governour 
fhe^territo^ Massasoit, whose circuits in likelihood are larger 
ries about than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged 
Son. panta " the king majesty of England to be his master and 
commander, and that once in my hearing, yea and 
in writing, under his hand to Captain Standish, 
both he and many other kings which are under 
him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narrow- 
biggonset, Namaschet, &c. with divers others 
that dwell about the bays of Patuxet, and Mas- 
sachuset : neither hath this been accomplished 
by threats and blows, or shaking of sword, and 
sound of trumpet, for as our faculty that way is 
small, and our strength less : so our warring 
with them is after another manner, namely by 
friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just car- 
riages, good counsel, &c. that so we and they 
may not only live in peace in that land, and they 
yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that 
Ps £'i 10 4 3 ' as voluntaries they may be persuaded at length 



69 



to embrace the prince of peace Christ Jesus, 
and rest in peace with him for ever. 

Secondly, this composition is also more par- 
ticular and applicatory, as touching ourselves 
there inhabiting : the emperour by. a joint con- 
sent, hath promised and appointed us to live at 
peace, where we will in all his dominions, tak- 
ing what place we will, and as much land as 
we will, and ^bringing as many people as we will, 
and that for these two causes. First because 
we are the servants of James king of England, 
w 7 hose the land (as he confessed") ) is, 2. because 
he hath found us just, honest, kind and peacea- 
ble, and so loves our company : yea, and that 
in these things there is no dissimulation on his 
part, nor fear of breach (except our security en- 
gender in them some unthought of treachery, or 
our incivilities provoke them to anger) is most 
plain in other relations, which shew that the 
things they did were more out of love than out 
of fear. 

It being then first a vast and empty chaos : 
secondly acknowledged the right of our sove- 
reign king : thirdly, by a peaceable composition 
in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, 
I see not who can doubt or call in question the 
lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there, but 
that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied 
upon some special occasion here, to live there 
as well as here, yea, and as the enterprise is 
weighty and difficult, so the honour is more 
worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge 
the honour and fame of our dread sovereign, but 
chiefly to display the efficacy of power of the 
gospel both in zealous preaching, professing, 
and wise walking under it, before the faces of 
these poor blind infidels. 

As for such as object the tediousness of the 
voyage thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, 
of the savages' treachery, &c. these are but lions Prov.22,13, 



70 

in the way, and it were well for such men if they 
were in heaven, for who can shew them a 

Psai. 49. 5. place in this world where iniquity shall not com- 
pass them at the heels, and where they shall 

Mat. 6. 34. j lave a c[ a y w ithout grief, or a lease of life for a 
moment ; and who can tell but God, what dan- 
gers may lie at our doors, even in our native 
country, or what plots may be abroad, or when 

Amos 8. 9. G°d will cause our sun to go down at noon 
days, and in the midst of our peace and security, 
lay upon us some lasting scourge for our so 
long neglect and contempt of his most glorious 
gospel. 

° b - But we have here great peace, plenty of the 

gospel, and many sweet delights and variety of 
comforts. 

Answ. True indeed, and far be it from us to deny and 

2 chro. 32. diminish the least of these mercies, but have we 
25 - rendered unto God thankful obedience for his 

long peace, whilst other peoples have been at 
wars ? Have we not rather murmured, repined, 
and fallen at ears amongst ourselves, whilst our 
peace hath lasted with foreign power? Was there 
ever more suits in law, more envy, contempt and 

Gen. 13. 9. reproach than nowadays ? Abraham and Lot 
departed asunder when there fell a breach be- 
twixt them, which was occasioned by the 
straitness of the land : and surely I am per- 
suaded, that howsoever the frailties of men are 
principal in all contentions, yet the straitness 
of the place is such, as each man is fain to 
pluck his means as it were out of his neigh- 
bour's throat, there is such pressing and oppress- 
ing in town and country, about farms, trade, 
traffick, &c. so as a man can hardly any where 
set up a trade but he shall pull down two of his 
neighbours. • 

The towns abound with young tradesmen, 
and the hospitals are full of the* ancient, the 
country is replenished with new farmers, and 



mourt's relation. 71 

the alms-houses are filled with old labourers, 
many there are who get their living with bearing 
burdens, but more are fain to burden the land 
with their whole bodies : multitudes get their 
means of life by prating, and so do numbers 
more by begging. Neither come these straits 
upon men always through intemperance, ill hus- 
bandry, indiscretion, &c. as some think, but 
even the most wise, sober, and discreet men, go 
often to the wall, when they have done their 
best, wherein as God's providence swayeth all, 
so it is easy to see, that the straitness of the 
place having in it so many strait hearts, cannot 
but produce such effects more and more, so as 
every indifferent minded man should be ready 
to say with father Abraham, Take thou the right 
hand, and I will take the left : let us not thus 
oppress, straiten, and afflict one another, but 
seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which 
is through the sea, we will end this difference in 
a day. 

That I speak nothing about the bitter conten- 
tion that hath been about religion, by writing, 
disputing and inveighing earnestly one against 
another, the heat of which zeal if it were turned 
against the rude barbarism of the heathens, it 
might do more good in a day, than it hath done 
here in many years. Neither of the little love 
to the gospel, and profit which is made by the 
preachers in most places, which might easily 
drive the zealous to the heathens who no doubt 
if they had but a drop of that knowledge which 
here flieth about the streets, would be filled with 
exceeding great joy and gladness, as that they 
would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by 
violence, and take it as it were by force. 

The greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet Thel ast let. 
fellowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily 
delights. 



72 

But can there be two nearer friends almost 
than Abraham and Lot or than Paul and Barna- 
bas, and yet upon as little occasions as we have 
here, they departed asunder, two of them being 
patriarchs of the church of old ; the other the 
apostles of the church which is new, and their 
covenants were such as it seemeth might bind 
as much as any covenant between men at this 
day, and yet to avoid greater inconveniences 
they departed asunder. 

Neither must men take so much thought for 
the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can 
pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. 
Nature is content with little, and health is 
much endangered, by mixtures upon the sto- 
mach : the delights of the palate do often inflame 
James 3. 6. the vital parts : as the tongue setteth a fire the 
whole body. Secondly, varieties here are not 
common to all, but many good men are glad to 
snap at a crust. The rent taker lives on sweet 
morsels, but the rent payer eats a dry crust often 
with w ? atery eyes; and it is nothing to say what 
some one of a hundred hath, but what the 
bulk, body and commonality hath, which I war- 
rant you is short enough. 

And they also which now live so sweetly, 
hardly will their children attain to that privilege, 
but some circumventor or other will outstrip 
them, and make them sit in the dust, to which 
men are brought in one age, but cannot get out 
of it again in seven generations. 

To conclude,. without all partiality, the pre- 
sent consumption which groweth upon us here, 
whilst the land groaneth under so many close- 
fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with 
the easiness, plainness and plentifulness in living 
in those remote places, may quickly persuade 
any man to a liking of this course, and to prac- 
tise a removal, which being done by honest, 



mourt's relation. 73 

godly and industrious men, they shall there be right 
heartily welcome, but for other dissolute and profane life, 
their rooms are better than their companies ; for if here 
where the gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, 
they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would 
shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less 
restraint in word and deed ? My only suit to all men is, 
that whether they live there or here, they would learn to 
use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a 
good conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
day of account shall come, they may come forth as good 
and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter in- 
to the joy of their master. 

R. C.*' 

FINIS. 

* Probably Robert Cushman, who returned to England in the ship Fortune, 
in which the preceding Relation was transmitted. It is to this Relation, and 
the accompanying documents, that Mr. Winslow probably refers, in a Post- 
script to his Good Netties from New England. " If any man desire a more 
ample relation of the state of this countrie, before such time as this present 
relation taketh place, I referre them to the two former printed bookes : the one 
published by the President and Councell for New England, and the other gath- 
ered by the Inhabitants of this present plantation at Plimouth in Neiv Eng- 
land. Both which bookes are to be sold by John Bellamy, at his shop at the 
three golden lions, in Corn-hill neere the Royall Exchange." — We have 
therefore in the Relation the contribution of several of the company. Could 
they have anticipated the interest which their narrative was to excite in 
after times, they would have left us probably some more certain indications 
of the writers. The first part, from a correspondence in expression in several 
instances with the portions of Bradford's history given by Mr. Prince, may 
be supposed to have been written by him, or extracted principally from his 
manuscripts. The Journey to Packanokik, we may ascribe to Winslow, who 
went on that expedition. The Journey to Namaschet we have supposed to 
have been written by Allerton. These conjectures however are to be tested 
by further examination, and we are left to conjecture who wrote the voyages 
to Nauset and to Massachuset. 

It is observable, that there is no mention of the death of Governour Carver. 
There is a chasm in the narrative from March 23, until the commencement of 
the Journey to Packanokik, July 2d; and in this interval the death of Carver 
and of his wife occurred. As there was evidently a recurrence to Bradford's 
MSS. for the first part of the Relation, if indeed he were not the sole com- 
piler of that portion, it seems difficult to account for this omission, especially 
as we find distinct and emphatic mention of this affliction, in his MS. histo- 
ry, as copied in Prince's Annals. Are we to suppose, that this discouraging 
circumstance was suppressed by those who directed the publication in Eng- 
land, to prevent unfavourable impressions against the country and climate ? 



VOL. IX. 11 



74 

[The foregoing paper, for which the Historical Society acknow- 
ledges its obligation to the Hon. Mr. Du Ponceau of Philadelphia, 
supplies the deficiencies in the abridgment of Mourt's Relation, pub- 
lished by us, from the fifth volume of Purchas's Pilgrims, in the vni 
volume of our first series, pp. 203 — 239. At that time, 1802, the 
original was not known to be in our country, and Harvard College 
library contained the only copy of Purchas's abridgment. The same 
venerable compilation supplied us with the most important part of 
Winslow's Relation, abbreviated in the same way with Mourt, and 
published by us in immediate succession in the same volume of our 
Collections pp. 239 — 276. The copious treasures of the Ebeling lib- 
rary, recently added to our University at Cambridge, contain the 
original tract, which we have resolved to give in the same manner. Ed.] 

Good Newes from New England : 

OR 

A True Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of 
Plimoth in New England. 

Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their 
preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparent 
deaths and dangers. 

Together with a Relation of such religious and civil laws and cus- 
toms, as are in practice amongst the Indians adjoining to them at 
this day. As also what commodities are there to be raised for the 
maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said country. 

Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named troubles, 
and there lived since their first arrival. 

TVhereunto is added by him a brief Relation of a credible intelligence 
of the present estate of Virginia. 

London : Printed by I. D. for William Bladen and John Bellamie, 
and are to be sold at their shops, at the Bible in Paul's Church- 
yard, and at the three Golden Lions in Corn-hill, near the Royal 
Exchange. 1624. 



THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY, 

To all well-wilier s and jurtherers of Plantations in New 
England ; especially to such as ever have or desire to 
assist, the people of Plimoth in their just proceedings, 
grace, and peace, be multiplied. 

Right honourable and worshipful gentlemen, or what- 
soever : Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be 



E. WINSLOW's RELATION. 75 

instruments of his glory, in so honourable an enterprise 
as the enlarging of his majesty's dominions, by planting 
his loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country 
as New England is ; where the church of God being 
seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing the 
heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the 
true knowledge and worship of the living God, and so 
consequently the salvation of their souls by the merits of 
Jesus Christ, than elsewhere though it be much talked 
on, and lightly or lamely prosecuted. I therefore think 
it but my duty to offer the view of our proceedings to 
your worthy considerations, having to that end composed 
them together thus briefly as you see ; wherein to your 
great encouragement, you may behold the good provi- 
dence of God working with you in our preservation from 
so many dangerous plots and treacheries, as have been 
intended against us; as also in giving his blessing so 
powerfully upon the weak means we had, enabling us 
with health and ability beyond expectation, in our great- 
est scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the savages 
with astonishment and fear of us, whereas if God had let 
them loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, 
scarce being an handful in comparison of those forces 
they might have gathered together against us, which now 
by God's blessing will be more hard and difficult, in re- 
gard our number of men is increased, our town better 
fortified, and our store better victualed. Blessed therefore 
be his name, that hath done so great things for us, and 
hath' wrought so great a change amongst us. 

Accept I pray you my weak endeavours, pardon my 
unskilfulness, and bear with my plainness in the things 
I have handled. Be not discouraged by our former ne- 
cessities, but rather encouraged with us, hoping that as 
God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this wor- 
thy work, undertaken in his name and fear : so he will 
by us accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, 
if we neglect not the means, I confess, it hath not been 
much less chargeable to some of you, than hard and diffi- 
cult to us, that have endured the burnt of the battle, and 
yet small profits returned : only by God's mercy we are 



76 E. WINSLOW's RELATION. 

safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means a 
great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course 
taken for the same, than if at first we had rashly and co- 
vetously fallen upon it. 

Indeed, three things are the overthrow and bane (as I 
may term it) of plantations. 

1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too 
commonly taketh a principal seat in the heart and af- 
fection : though God's glory, &c. is preferred before it 
in the mouth with protestation. 

2. Ambition in their governours and commanders, 
seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all 
that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honour 
in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt. 

3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of 
men unto them, not caring how they be qualified : so 
that oft times they are rather the image of men endued 
with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the image of 
God, endued with reason, understanding and holiness. 
I praise God I speak not these things experimentally, by 
way of complaint of our own condition, but having great 
cause on the contrary part to be thankful to God for his 
mercies towards us : but rather, if there be any too de- 
sirous of gain, to entreat them to moderate their affections, 
and consider that no man expecteth fruit before the tree 
be grown ; advising all men, that as they tender their 
own welfare, so to make choice of such to manage and 
govern their affairs, as are approved not to be seekers of 
themselves, but the common good of all for whom they 
are employed ; and beseeching such as have the care of 
transporting men for the supply and furnishing of planta- 
tions, to be truly careful in sending such as may further 
and not hinder so good an action, There is no godly 
honest man, but will be helpful in his kind, and adorn 
his profession with an upright life and conversation, 
which doctrine of manners ought first to be preached by- 
giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst 
whom they live. On the contrary part, what great of- 
fence hath been given by many profane men, who being 
but seeming christians, have made Christ and Christianity 



77 

stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so laid a 
stumbling block before them : but woe be to them by 
whom such offences come. 

These things I offer to your christian considerations, be- 
seeching you to make a good construction of my simple 
meaning, and take in good part this ensuing relation, ded- 
icating myself and it evermore unto your service ; be- 
seeching God to crown our christian and faithful endea- 
vours with his blessings temporal and eternal. 

Yours in this service, ever to be commanded : 

E. W. 



To the Reader. 

Good reader, when I first penned this discourse, I 
intended it chiefly for the satisfaction of my private 
friends, but since that time have been persuaded to publish 
the same : and the rather, because of a disorderly colony 
that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the great 
prejudice and damage of him that sent them forth ; who 
as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in 
respect of their lives and manners amongst the Indians : 
so it is to be feared, will be no less to New England in 
their vile and clamorous reports, because she would not 
foster them in their desired idle courses. I would not 
be understood to think there were no well-deserving per- 
sons amongst them : for of mine own knowledge it was a 
grief to some that they were so yoked ; whose deserts as 
they were then suitable to their honest protestations, so I de- 
sire still may be, in respect of their just and true relations. 

Perad venture thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so 
plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my rela- 
tion, yea it may be tax me therewith, as seeming rather 
to discourage men, than any way to further so noble an 
action ? If any honest mind be discouraged, I am sorry, 
sure I am, I have given no just cause ; and am so far 
from being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return 
forthwith. And for other light and vain persons, if they 



78 

stumble hereat I have my desire, accounting it better for 
them and us that they keep where they are, as being un- 
fit and unable to perform so great a task. 

Some faults have escaped because I could not attend 
on the press, which I pray thee correct as thou findest, 
and I shall account it as a favour unto me. 

Thine 

E. W. 



A brief Relation of a credible intelligence of the present 
estate of Virginia* 

At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respect- 
ed friends, I have added to the former discourse, a rela- 
tion of such things as were credibly reported at Plimoth 
in New England in September last past, concerning the 
present estate of Virginia. And because men may doubt 
how we should have intelligence of their affairs, being we 
are so far distant, I will therefore satisfy the doubtful there- 
in. Captain Francis West being in New England about 
the latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, 
and returned in August : in September the same ship 
and company being discharged by him at Damarins Cove, 
came to New Plimoth, where upon our earnest inquiry 
after the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- 
mitted by the Indians upon our friends and countrymen, 
the whole ships company agreed in this ; viz. that upon 
all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro, insomuch, 
as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for 
the present would not admit of any ; that Sir George Ear- 
ly, &c. was at that present employed upon service against 
them ; that amongst many others, Opachancano the chief 
emperour was supposed to be slain, his son also was kill- 
ed at the same time. And though by reason of these 
fore-named broils in the fore part of the year, the English 
had undergone great want of food, yet through God's 
mercy there was never more shew of plenty, having as 
much and as good corn on the ground as ever they had ; 
neither was the hopes of their tobacco crop inferiour to that 



79 

of their corn : so that the planters were never more full 
of encouragement, which I pray God long to continue, 
and so to direct both them and us, as his glory may be the 
principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for his 
mercies' sake, Amen. 

FINIS. 



Good Newes from New England. 

[differences between the original publication and the 
abridgment. 

Note. The paragraphs are not numbered in the original ; the num- 
bers in the Hist. Coll. will be used here only for references.] 

At the end of No. 1. what follows is wanting : " But 
our governours not knowing what to make of this strange 
carriage, and comparing it with that we had formerly 
heard, committed him to the custody of Captain Standish, 
hoping now to know some certainty of that we so 
often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tis- 
quantum at his return, desiring myself, having special 
familiarity with the other fore- named Indian, to see if I 
could learn any thing from him, whose answer was spar- 
ingly to this effect ; that he could not certainly tell, but 
thought they were enemies to us. That night Captain 
Standish gave me and another charge of him, and" gave us 
order to use him kindly, and that he should not want any 
thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and in- 
quire of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal 
to signify that upon his true relation he should be sure 
of his own freedom. At first fear so possessed him, that he 
could scarce say any thing : but in the end became more 
familiar, and told us that the messenger which his master 
sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded 
him rather to war ; and to the end he might provoke him 
thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports) detained 
many of the things were sent him by our governour, scorn- 
ing the meanness of them both in respect of what himself 



80 E. WINSLOW r S RELATION. 

had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own per- 
son ; so that he much blamed the former messenger, say- 
ing, that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it 
would cost him his life ; but assured us that upon his rela- 
tion of our speech then with him to his master, he would 
be friends with us. Of this we informed the governour and 
his assistant, and Captain Standish, who after consultation 
considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger, 
and it being as well against the law of arms amongst them 
as us in Europe, to lay violent hands on any such, set him 
at liberty, the governour giving him order to certify his 
master that he had heard of his large and many threat- 
enings, at which he was much offended, daring him in 
those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconcil- 
ed to live peaceably as other his neighbours ; manifest- 
ing withal (as ever) his desire of peace ; but his fearless 
resolution, if he could not so live amongst them. After 
which he caused meat to be offered him, but he refused 
to eat, making all speed to return, and giving many thanks 
for his liberty. But requesting the other Indian again to 
return, the weather being violent, he used many words to 
persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon 
he left him, and said he was with his friends, and would 
not take a journey in such extremity." 

No. 2 begins " After this when Tisquantum returned" 

In No. 3 no change is discovered, except in line 6 of 
p. 241 " whom he thought most fit," and in line 22 of 
same page " backs towards the fire." At the 16 line it 
is broken into another paragraph. 

No. 4 wants at the end what follows : " To confirm 
this his jealousy he told us of many secret passages that 
passed between him and others, having their meetings or- 
dinarily abroad in the woods : but if at home howsoever 
he was excluded from their secrecy, saying it was the 
manner of the Indians when they meant plainly to deal 
openly : but in this his practice there was no shew of 
honesty. 

" Hereupon the governour, together with his assistant 
and Captain Standish, called together such, as by them 
were thought most meet for advice in so weighty a busi- 



E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 81 

ness, who after consideration hereof came to this resolution: 
that as hitherto upon all occasions between them and us, 
we had ever manifested undaunted courage and resolution, 
so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up our- 
selves in our new-enclosed town, partly because our store 
was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our 
daily food, without which we could not long subsist ; 
but especially for that thereby they would see us dismay- 
ed, and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- 
poses, with more eagerness than ever they intended : 
whereas on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our fear- 
less carriage might be a means to discourage and weaken 
their proceedings. And therefore thought best to pro- 
ceed in our trading voyage, making this use of that we 
heard, to go the better provided, and use the more care- 
fulness both at home and abroad, leaving the event to the 
disposing of the Almighty, whose providence as it had 
hitherto been over us for good, so we had now no cause 
(save our sins) to despair of his mercy in our preserva- 
tion and continuance, where we desired rather to be in- 
struments of good to the heathens about us, than to give 
them the least measure of just offence." 

No. 5 begins instead of " Notwithstanding" in this 
manner : " All things being now in readiness" ; and in 
line 3 it reads " but we had no sooner turned the point," 
and in line 22 after the word "end" inserts " that," and 
in line 32 reads " chief est champions," and closes with 
this additional relation : "To this the governour answer- 
ed, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occa- 
sions of war should arise between him and any the savages, 
but especially Massassowat, not that he feared him more 
than the rest, but because his love more exceeded towards 
him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied ; There 
was no cause wherefore he should distrust him, and there- 
fore should do well to continue his affections." 

No. 6 begins, " But to the end things might be made 
more manifest," the governour caused, &c. 

In No. 7 insert after line 15, "Now though he could 
not make good these his large promises, especially be- 
cause of the continued peace between Massassowat and 

VOL. ix. 12 



82 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

us, he therefore raised this false alarum, hoping whilst 
things were hot in the heat of blood, to provoke us to 
march into his country against him, whereby he hoped 
to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched, 
and hoping if that block were once removed, there were 
no other between him and honour ; which he loved as 
his life, and preferred before his peace. For these and 
the like abuses, the governour sharply reproved him, 
yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as 
at that time we could not miss him." 

Nos. 9, 10, 11 and 12 form but one paragraph in the 
original. In the last line but three of No. 9 it reads 
" had deserved to die." In last line but one of No. 10, 
after " sent his own knife" reads "and them therewith." 
In No. 14, last line but one, original has " reporting of" 
The words " not being" in line 5 of page 246 are trans- 
posed. The same change occurs in line 17 of No. 49. 
In the tenth line of No. 16 "said" is printed for " saith." 
No. 18 has in the tenth line " most fit," and at the end 
should be a semicolon (;), and conclude with these words, 
"not sparing to requite the love we shewed them, with 
secret backbitings, revilings, &c. the chief of them being 
forestalled and made against us, before they came, as af- 
ter appeared : Nevertheless for their master's sake, who 
formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do 
them whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attribut- 
ing these things to the want of conscience and discretion, 
expecting each day, when God in his providence would 
disburden us of them, sorrowing that their overseers were 
not of more ability and fitness for their places, and much 
fearing what would be the issue of such raw and uncon- 
scionable beginnings." 

At the beginning of No. 23, after the words, " Both 
colonies being thus agreed" should be inserted " and their 
companies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set 
forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes ; as first 
Master Richard Greene, brother in law to Master Weston, 
who from him had a charge in the oversight and govern- 
ment of his colony, died suddenly at our plantation, to 
whom we gave burial befitting his place, in the best man- 



E. WINSLOW's RELATION. 83 

ner we could. Afterward, having further order to pro- 
ceed by letter from their other governour at the Massa- 
chusets, twice Captain Standish set forth with them, 
but were driven in again by cross and violent winds : him- 
self the second time being sick of a violent fever. By 
reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater 
than formerly ; partly, because we were enforced to neglect 
our corn, and spend much time in fortification, but espe- 
cially because such havock was made of that little we had, 
through the unjust and dishonest carriage of those people 

before mentioned, at our first entertainment of them)" 

and in line 3 "again" before " set forth." The paragraph 
includes also Nos. 24 and 25, omitting the word " that" 
on page 250, line 4. 

In the original, Nos. 26, 27 and 28 form but one para- 
graph, and in line 4 of page 251 reads " places" instead 
of "parts," and line 9 " being small." The last sentence 
but one of No. 27, after "not be further broken" has a 
comma (,) and proceeds, " promising ere long to fetch 
both it and the corn ; assuring them, if neither were 
diminished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and 
true friendship, which they so much made shew of, 
but if they were, they should certainly smart for their un- 
just and dishonest dealing, and further make good what- 
soever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Matta- 
chiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the 
ship, and take his journey home by land with our own 
company, sending word to the ship, that they should take 
their first opportunity to go for Plimouth where he deter- 
mined, by the permission of God to meet them." The 
conclusion of No. 28 is, " save the shallop." 

Nos. 29 and 30 are but one paragraph. 

Nos. 31, 32 and 33 are but one paragraph. 

Nos. 34 and 35 are one paragraph, and line 13 of No. 35 
reads "return them again." 

Nos. 36, 37, 38, 39, and 40 make one paragraph, and . 
line 4 of No. 36 reads " hoping also to get more*" and 
line 8 of No. 37 "had formerly concluded." 

Nos. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46 and 47 make one para- 
graph, and line 4 of page 258 reads " the governour again 



84 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

laid this service upon myself," and the last line but one 
of No. 44 " the Dutchmen departed," and line 6 of No. 46 
has " this his extremity," and line 9, after "conserves y" adds 
" &c." The last sentence on page 260 ends thus, " which 
gave him and us good encouragement," and line 14 of 
page 261 reads " send me such things." In No. 47, after 
" somewhat troubled me'''' in line 6, is omitted, " being un- 
accustomed and unacquainted in such businesses, espe- 
cially having nothing to make it comfortable, my consort 
being as ignorant as myself;" and proceeds, " but being 
we must do." The conclusion of No 47, after " poison- 
ous savours," is : " After dinner he desired me to get him 
a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, 
with as much speed as I could : so I took a man with 
me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some six 
score paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered : 
so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more 
broth therewith, which he much desired ; never did I see 
a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short 
a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobba- 
mock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would 
make him very sick again if he did eat it ; this he acquaint- 
ed Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded 
to it, though I pressed it very much, shewing the strength 
thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could 
not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding he made a gross 
meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a 
man in health. About an hour after he began to be very 
sick, and straining very much, cast up the broth again, 
and in overstraining himself, began to bleed at the nose, 
and so continued the space of four hours ; then they all 
wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, 
which we much feared also. They asked me what I 
thought of him ; I answered, his case was desperate, yet 
it might be it would save his life : for if it ceased in time, 
he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the 
principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood 
stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours ; when he 
awaked I washed his face, and bathed and suppled his 
beard and nose with a linen cloth : but on a sudden he 



85 

chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some there- 
in, and sent it forth again with such violence, as he be- 
gan to bleed afresh, then they thought there was no hope, 
but we perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, 
and therefore told them I thought it would stay present- 
ly, as indeed it did." 

In No. 48, after " hundred miles" is omitted what fol- 
lows : " To all that came one of his chief men related the 
manner of his sickness, how near he was spent, how 
amongst others his friends the English came to see him, 
and how suddenly they recovered him to this strength 
they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself. 

" The day before our coming, another sachim being 
there, told him, that now he might see how hollow-heart- 
ed the English were, saying if we had been such friends 
in deed, as we were in shew, we would have visited him 
in this his sickness, using many arguments to withdraw 
his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some 
things against us, which were motioned to him not long 

before : but" The author concluded his paragraph 

with " Divers other things were worthy the noting, but I 
fear I have been too tedious." 

The only alteration observed in No. 49, besides that 
before noted, is in line 11, " our own tf/fer-safety." 

Line 17 of No. 50 has "mine own" instead of " my 
own," and in last line but one omits "«tf." 

In No. 51 line 5 has " of his laws, &c," and on page 
264 line 10 "eaten sufficient." 

Line 4 of No. 52 reads " which having done." 

In No. 53 an important passage is thus abbreviated by 
Purchas : " They sent ; and our governour tvrit divers 
reasons of dislike." The original is : "This course was 
well liked, and an Indian was sent with all speed with a 
letter to our governour, the contents whereof were to this 
effect; that being in great want, and their people daily 
falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where 
was a plantation of Sir Ferdi : Gorges, to buy bread from 
the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first oppor- 
tunity of wind ; but knew not how the colony would be 
preserved till his return : he had used all means both 



86 E. WINSLOW's RELATION. 

to buy and borrow of Indians whom he knew to be stor- 
ed, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore 
was resolved to take it*by violence, and only waited the 
return of the messenger, which he desired should be has- 
tened, craving his advice therein, promising also to make 
restitution afterward. The governour upon the receipt 
hereof, asked the messenger what store of corn they had, 
as if he had intended to buy of them ; who answered ve- 
ry little more than that they reserved for seed, having al- 
ready spared all they could. Forthwith the governour 
and his assistant sent for many of us to advise with them 
herein, who after serious consideration, no way approving 
of this intended course, the governour answered his letter, 
and caused many of us to set our hands thereto, the con- 
tents whereof were to this purpose ; we altogether dislik- 
ed their intendment, as being against the law of God 
and nature, shewing how it would cross the worthy ends 
and proceedings of the king's majesty, and his honourable 
council for this place, both in respect of the peaceable en- 
larging of his majesty's dominions, and also of the propa- 
gation of the knowledge and law of God, and the glad ti- 
dings of salvation, which we and they were bound to seek, 
and were not to use such means as would breed a dis- 
taste in the savages against our persons and professions, 
assuring them their master would incur much blame 
hereby, neither could they answer the same ; for our own 
parts our case was almost the same with theirs, having 
but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced to 
live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things 
as naturally the country afforded, and which did and 
would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten, all 
which things they had in great abundance, yea, oysters 
also which we wanted, and therefore necessity could not 
be said to constrain them thereunto. Moreover, that 
they should consider, if they proceeded therein, all they 
could so get would maintain them but a small time, and 
then they must perforce seek their food abroad, which 
having made the Indians their enemies, would be very dif- 
ficult for them, and therefore much better to begin alittle 
the sooner, and so continue their peace, upon which course 



RELATION. 87 

they might with good conscience desire and expect the 
blessing of God, whereas on the contrary they could not. 

" Also that they should consider their own weakness, 
being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and 
therefore the more unlikely to make their party good 
against them, and that they should not expect help from 
us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, that 
howsoever some of them might escape, yet the principal 
agents should expect no better than the gallows, when- 
soever any special officer should be sent over by his ma- 
jesty, or his Council for New England, which we expect- 
ed, and who would undoubtedly call them to account 
for the same. These were the contents of our answer, 
which was directed to their whole colony. Another par- 
ticular letter our governour sent to John Sanders, shewing 
how dangerous it would be for him above all others, be- 
ing he was their leader and commander ; and therefore in 
friendly manner advised him to desist." What follows 
is a distinct paragraph. 

The Nos. 54 and 55 make but one paragraph. The 
word " publick" in line 3 of No. 54 is in the original 
" double," and after "court" in line 6 is a comma, (,) 
whereupon Winslow proceeds : " offering it to the con- 
sideration of the company, it being high time to come to 
resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, fear- 
ing it would be put in execution before we could give 
any intelligence thereof. This business was no less 
troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is 
so ordinary in these times for men to measure things by 
the events thereof : but especially for that we knew no 
means to deliver our countrymen and preserve ourselves, 
than by returning their malicious and cruel purposes up- 
on their own heads, and causing them to fall into the same 
pit they had digged for others, though it much grievec! 
us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever intend- 
ed and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings, 
But in the end we came to this publick conclusion, that 
because it was a matter of such weight as every man was 
not of sufficiency to judge, nor fitness to know because of 
many other Indians which daily as occasion serveth con- 



88 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

verse with us ; therefore the governour, his assistant, and 
the captain, should take such to themselves as they thought 
most meet, and conclude thereof; which done we came 
to this conclusion".... Before the concluding sentence, 
this is omitted : " What would be the event of these 
things (he said) he much feared ; and therefore not daring 
to stay any longer among them, though he knew not the 
way yet adventured to come to us, partly to make known 
their weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived, and 
partly to desire he might there remain till things were 
better settled at the other plantation." 

The word " not" in line 5 of No. 56, which was noted 
as " probably an errour of the press" in Purchas, was by 
Winslow written " both." Where the sentence in line 
19 ends, should be a comma (,) and this passage follow- 
ed: " as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, 
would have dissuaded from proceeding, flattering them- 
selves with peace and security, and accounting it rather a 
work of superfluity and vain glory, than simple necessity. 
But God (whose providence hath waked and as I may 
say, watched for us whilst we slept) having determined to 
preserve us from these intended treacheries, undoubtedly 
ordained this as a special means to advantage us and dis- 
courage our adversaries, and therefore so stirred up the 
hearts of the governours and other forward instruments, 
as the work was just made serviceable against this need- 
ful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. 
But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned ,".... 

Line 22 on page 268 reads " with that they now 
heard." 

Nos. 58 and 59 form but one paragraph. On page 269 
line 5 reads " he shall not take us," and line 8 " sharpen 
the points of their knives," and the last line " stood by 
all this time as a spectator." 

Line 12 of No. 60 has " being" before " more ancient." 

Nos. 61 and 62 form but one paragraph, and line 12 
of page 271, after " both discharged," has " at once." 

Line 3 of page 272 has " to" before " delay," and line 
4 has " till" before " they," and line 6 reads " the captain 
prevented them." 



E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 89 

Line 9 of No. 64 reads " prosecuted it" ancl line 18 
" bribed so to do," and line 25 * deliver this message," 
and last line but two "this messenger." 

Line 2 of No. 65 reads " returned with answer." 

After No 66 follows this paragraph : 

" I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other 
things, yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is 
that the truth and grounds of this action, especially should 
be made known, and the several dispositions of that dis-* 
solved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will be as va- 
rious, I could not but enlarge myself where I thought to 
be most brief; neither durst I be too brief, lest I should 
eclipse and rob God of that honour, glory, and praise, 
which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling 
when we were at the pit's brim, and yet feared nor knew 
not that we were in danger." 

In the margin of No. 67 is marked " Anno 1623." 
The " errour of the press," conjectured on page 274, is 
found in the original. This passage, at the end of this 
paragraph and beginning of the next, is omitted : " Only 
if occasion served upon any special service they might 
employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, 
during this appointed time, and at the end thereef all men 
to be employed by them in such service as they thought 
most necessary for the general good. And because there 
is great difference in the ground, that therefore a set quan- 
tity should be set down for a person, and each man to 
have his fall by lot, as being most just and equal, and 
against which no man could except. 

" At a general meeting of the company, many courses 
were propounded, but this approved and followed, as be- 
ing the most likely for the present and future good of the 
company ; and therefore before this month began to pre- 
pare our ground against seed time." 

The close of No. 69 is wanting, as follows : " So that 
at once God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. 
The most courageous were now discouraged, because God 
which hitherto had been our only Shield and Supporter, 
now seemed in his anger to arm himself against us ; and 
who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath." 

VOL. ix. 13 



90 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

Line 9 of No. 70 should read " look down upon us," 
and line 23 u or revived." 

Line 14 of No. 71 should read " by private prayer," 
and in line 16, after " apart," should be " and appointed," 
and the words u his other" in last line but one, are trans- 
posed. 

In line 4 of No. 72 "also" is omitted before " not- 
withstanding." 

The conclusion of this very interesting tract, as abridg- 
ed by Purchas, was by Dr. Belknap inserted as an Ap- 
pendix to the 2d vol. of his American Biography ; but 
we have thought the original worthy of insertion in our 
Collections. 

" Thus have I made a true and full narration of the state 
of our plantation, and such things as were most remarka- 
ble therein since December, 1621. If I have omitted any 
thing, it is either through weakness of memory, or be- 
cause I judged it not material : I confess my style rude, 
and unskilfulness in the task I undertook, being urged 
thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting 
in others, and but for which I would not have undertaken 
the same ; yet as it is rude so it is plain, and therefore the 
easier to be understood ; wherein others may see that 
which we are bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any 
people in these later ages were upheld by the providence 
of God after a more special manner than others, then we : 
and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the memo- 
ry of his goodness, with everlasting thankfulness. For in 
these fore- named straits, such was our state, as in the 
morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and 
yet performed the duties of our callings, I mean other dai- 
ly labors, to provide for after time : and though at some 
times in some seasons at noon I have seen men stagger 
by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night 
by the good providence and blessing of God, we have en- 
joyed such plenty as though the windows of heaven had 
been opened unto us. How few, weak, and raw, were we 
at our first beginning, and there settling, and in the midst 
of barbarous enemies? Yet God wrought our peace for us. 



E. WINSLOW S RELATION. 91 

How often have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger 
to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing, till afterward that 
we were in peril ? And yet God preserved us : yea, and 
from how many that we yet know not of, he that knoweth 
all things can best tell : so that when I seriously consider 
of things, I cannot but think that God hath a purpose to 
give that land as an inheritance to our nation, and great 
pity it were that it should long lie in so desolate a state, 
considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of our 
bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate for heat and 
cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish New 
England from Old. 

" A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which 
I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching their 
religion, and sundry other customs amongst them. And 
first, whereas myself and others, in former letters (which 
came to the press against my will and knowledge) wrote, 
that the Indians about us are a people without any re- 
ligion, or knowledge of any God, therein I 
erred, though we could then gather no bet- 
ter : for as they conceive of many divine oftwordf 
powers, so of one whom they call Kiehtan, Kfehtan i 

i_i i i i r 11 i tmnk hath 

to be the principal and maker of all the rest, reference to 
and to be made by none : he (they say) created cSSoSd 
the heavens, earth, sea, and all creatures con- SJ*? d 
tained therein. Also that he made one man man that' 
and one woman, of whom they and we and 
all mankind came : but how they became so 
far dispersed that know they not. At first 
they say, there was no sachim, or king, but Kiehtan, who 
dwelleth above in the heavens, whither all good men go 
when they die, to see their friends and have their fill of 
all things : this his habitation lieth far westward in the 
heavens, they say : thither the bad men go also, and knock 
at his door, but he bids them Quatchet, that is to say, 
Walk abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they 
wander in restless want and penury : never man saw this 
Kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him, and bid them 
tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their pos- 
terities the same, and lay the like charge upon them. This 



exceedeth in 
age. 



92 

power they acknowledge to be good, and when they 
would obtain any great matter, meet together, and cry 
unto him, and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, 
dance, feast, give thanks, and hang up garlands and other 
things in memory of the same. 

li Another power they worship, whom they call Hobba- 
mock, and to the northward of us Hobbamoqui ; this as 
far as we can conceive is , the devil, him they call upon 
to cure their wounds and diseases. When they are cu- 
rable, he persuades them he sends the same for some 
conceived anger against them, but upon their calling up- 
on him can and doth help them : but when they are 
mortal, and not curable in nature, then he persuades 
them Kiehtan is angry and sends them, whom none can 
cure : insomuch, as in that respect only they somewhat 
doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore in sick- 
ness never call upon him. 

" This Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, 
as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. 
but most ordinarily a snake : he appears not to all but the 
chiefest and most judicious amongst them, though all of 
them strive to attain to that hellish height of honour. 

" He appeareth most ordinary and is most conversant 
with three sorts of people, one I confess I neither know 
by name nor office directly : of these they have few but 
esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can kill 
them : another they call by the name of powah, and the 
third pniese. 

" The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised 
principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases 
of the sick or wounded. The common people join 
with him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only 
assent or as we term it, say amen to that he saith, yet 
sometime break out into a short musical note with him. 
The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in counte- 
nance, and joineth many antickand laborious gestures with 
the same over the party diseased. If the party be wound- 
ed he will also seem to suck the wound, but if they be 
curable (as they say) he toucheth it not, but a skook/that 
is the snake, or wobsacuck, that is the eagle, sitteth on his 



RELATION. 93 

shoulder and licks the same. This none see but the pow- 
ah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party be 
otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in "any 
shape he but come into the house, taking it for an un- 
doubted sign of recovery. 

" And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Del- 
phos, and Diana at Ephesus ;£S0 have I heard them call 
upon some as if they had their residence in some certain 
places, or because they appeared in those forms in the same. 
In the powah's speech he promiseth to sacrifice many skins 
of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, and other the 
best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help 
the party diseased : but whether they perform it I know not. 
The other practices I have seen, being necessarily called 
at some times to be with their sick, and have used the 
best arguments I could make them understand against 
the same : they have told me I should see the devil at 
those times come to the party, but I assured myself and 
them of the contrary, which so proved : yea, themselves 
have confessed they never saw him when any of us were 
present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in 
childbirth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordi- 
nary means, they send for this powah, though ordinarily 
their travail is not so extreme as in our parts of the world, 
they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third 
day after childbirth I have seen the mother with the infant 
upon a small occasion in cold weather in a boat upon 
the sea. 

" Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill 
children. It seemeth they are various in their religious 
worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold 
in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying in their memory he 
was much more called upon. The Nanohiggansets ex- 
ceed in their blind devotion, and have a great spacious 
house wherein only some few (that are as we may term 
them priests) come : thither at certain known times resort 
all their people, and offer almost all the riches they have 
to their gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c. 
all which are cast by the priests into a great fire that they 
make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to 



/ 

94 e. 

ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely, and 
the more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of 
all men. This the other Indians about us approve of as 
good, and wish their sachems would appoint the like : 
and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset 
as at other places about them, they attribute to this cus- 
tom there/used. 

" The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, 
and to these also the devil appeareth more familiarly than 
to others, and as we conceive maketh covenant with them 
to preserve them from death, by wounds, with arrows, 
knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both themselves and es- 
pecially the people think themselves to be freed from the 
same. And though against their battles all of them by 
painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by 
their courage and boldness, by reason whereof one of them 
will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it 
death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are 
highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the sa- 
chims' council, without whom they will not war or un- 
dertake any weighty business. In war their sachims for 
their more safety go in the midst of them. They are 
commonly men of the greatest stature and strength, and 
such as will endure most hardness, and yet are more dis- 
creet, courteous, and humane in their carriages than any 
amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base 
dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any 
men. 

" And to the end they may have store of these, they train 
up the most forward and likeliest boys from their child- 
hood in great hardness, and make them abstain from 
dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, to the 
end that when they are of age the devil may appear to 
them, causing to drink the juice of sentry and other bit- 
ter herbs till they cast, which they must disgorge into the 
platter, and drink again, and again, till at length through 
extraordinary oppressing of nature it will seem to be all 
blood, and this the boys will do with eagerness at the 
first, and so continue till by reason of faintness they can 
scarce stand on their legs, and then must go forth into 



E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 95 

the cold : also they beat their shins with sticks, and 
cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, 
to make them hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in 
time he may appear unto them. 

" Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only 
some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protection, 
and pay homage unto them, neither may they war with- 
out their knowledge and approbation, yet to be command- 
ed by the greater as occasion serveth. Of this sort is Mas- 
sassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggensetour 
supposed enemy. 

" Every sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherless, 
also for such as are aged, and any way maimed, if their 
friends be dead or not able to provide for them. 

" A sachim will not take any to wife but such an one as 
is equal to him in birth, otherwise they say their seed 
would in time become ignoble, and though they have 
many other wives, yet are they no other than concubines 
or servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- 
pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like 
their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during 
their lives ; but put away the other at their pleasure. 

" This government is successive and not by choice. If 
the father die before the son or daughter be of age, then 
the child is committed to the protection and tuition of 
some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till he 
be of age, but when that is I know not. 

" Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits 
of his own country extendeth, and that is his own proper 
inheritance, out of that if any of his men desire land to 
set their corn, he giveth them as much as they can use, 
and sets them their bounds. In this circuit whosoever 
hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him his fee, which 
is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on the land, 
but if in the water, then the skin thereof: the great sa- 
chims or kings, know their own bounds or limits of land, 
as well as the rest. 

" All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at 
the sachims, when they come they tell them how long 
they will stay, and to what place they go, during which 



E. WINSLOW S RELATION. 

time they receive entertainment according to their per- 
sons, but want not. 

" Once a year the pnieses use to provoke the people to 
bestow much corn on the sachim. To that end they ap- 
point a certain time and place near the sachim's dwelling, 
where the people bring many baskets of corn, and make 
a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to 
give thanks to the people on the sachim's behalf, and after 
acquainted! the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, 
and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 

" When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort 
unto them for their comfort, and continue with them oft- 
times till their death or recovery. If they die they stay a 
certain time to mourn for them. Night and morning 
they perform this duty many days after the burial in a 
most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary 
and the note musical, which they take one from another, 
and all together, yet it will draw tears from their eyes, 
and almost from ours also. But if they recover then be- 
cause their sickness was chargeable, they send corn and 
other gifts unto them at a certain appointed time, Where- 
at they feast and dance, which they call commoco. 

" When they bury the dead they sew up the corpse in a 
mat and so put it in the earth. If the party be a sachim 
they cover him with many curious mats, and bury all his 
riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale. If it 
be a child the father will also put his own most special 
jewels and ornaments in the earth with it, also will cut 
his hair and disfigure himself very much in token of sor- 
row. If it be the man or woman of the house, they will 
pull down the mats and leave the frame standing, and 
bury them in or near the same, and either remove their 
dwelling or give over house keeping. 

" The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and 
other exercises of the bow, except at some times they 
take some pains in fishing. 

".The women live a most slavish life, they carry all their 
burdens, set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out 
for much of their food, beat and make ready the corn to 
eat, and have all household care lying upon them. 



E. WINSLOW's RELATION. 97 

" The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean 
offices whilst they are together, although they be stran- 
gers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair like men 
and women, but are distinguished thereby. 

" A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable 
act, or shew forth such courage and resolution as becom- 
eth his place. The men take much tobacco, but for 
boys so to do they account it odious. 

" All their names are significant and variable ; for when 
they come to the state of men and women, they' alter 
them according to their deeds or dispositions. 

" When a maid is taken in marriage she first cutteth her 
hair, and after weareth a covering on her head till her hair 
be grown out. Their women are diversly disposed, 
some as modest as they will scarce talk one with another 
in the company of men, being very chaste also : yet 
other some light, lascivious and wanton. 

" If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, 
and there be war or opposition between that and any other 
people, she will run away from him to the contrary par- 
ty and there live, where they never come unwelcome ; 
for where are most women, there is greatest plenty. 

" When a woman hath her monthly terms she separa- 
teth herself from all other company, and liveth certain 
days in a house alone : after which she washeth herself 
and all that she hath touched or used, and is again re- 
ceived to her husband's bed or family. 

Ci For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put 
her away, if he please. Some common strumpets there 
are as well as in other places, but they are such as either 
never married, or widows, or put away for adultery : for 
no man will keep such an one to wife. 

" In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing the sachim 
examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for 
the first offence he is disgracefully rebuked, for the se- 
cond beaten by the sachim with a cudgel on the naked 
back, for the third he is beaten with many strokes, and hath 
his nose slit upward, that thereby all men may both know 
and shun him. If any man kill another, he must like- 
wise die for the same. The sachim not only passeth the 

vol. ix. 14 



98 

sentence upon malefactors, but executeth the same with 
his own hands, if the party be then present ; if not, sendeth 
his own knife in case of death, in the hands of others to 
perform the same. But if the offender be to receive other 
punishment, he will not receive the same but from the 
sachim himself, before whom being naked he kneeleth, 
and will not offer to run away though he beat him never 
so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to 
cry during the time of his correction, than is his offence 
and punishment. 

" As for their apparel they wear breeches and stockings 
in one like some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and 
have shoes of the same leather. They wear also a deer 
skin loose about them like a cloak, which they will turn 
to the weather side. In this habit they travel, but when 
they are at home or come to their journey's end, present- 
ly they pull off their breeches, stockings, and shoes, wring 
out the water if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or 
chafe the same. Though these be off, yet have they 
another small garment that covereth their secrets. The 
men wear also when they go abroad in cold weather an 
otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only their bracer 
on the left. Women and all of that sex wear strings 
about their legs, which the men never do. 

" The people are very ingenious and observative, they 
keep account of time by the moon, and winters or sum- 
mers ; they know divers of the stars by name, in parti- 
cular, they know the north star and call it maske, which 
is to say the bear. Also they have many names for the 
winds. They will guess very well at the wind and wea- 
ther before hand, by observations in the heavens. They 
report alsp, that some of them can cause the wind to 
blow in what part they list, can raise storms and tempests 
which they usually do when they intend the death or de- 
struction of other people, that by reason of the unseason- 
able weather they may take advantage of their enemies 
in their houses. At such times they perform their great- 
est exploits, and in such seasons when they are at enmi- 
ty with any, they keep more careful watch than at other 
times. 



99 

" As for the language, it is very copious, large, and diffi- 
cult, as yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; 
but can understand them, and explain ourselves to their 
understanding, by the help of those that daily converse 
with us. And though there be difference in an hundred 
miles distance of place, both in language and manners, 
yet not so much but that they very well understand each 
other. And thus much of their lives and manners. 

' ' Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course, 
where any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either 
in the place, or by some pathway near adjoining, they 
make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep, and 
as much over, which when others passing by behold, 
they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which 
being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, 
as occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should 
be filled, or grown up by any accident, as men pass by 
they will oft renew the same : by which means many 
things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that 
as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his 
journey will be the less tedious, by' reason of the many 
historical discourses will be related unto him. 

" In all this it may be said, I have neither praised nor 
dispraised the country : and since I lived so long therein, 
my judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction to them 
that know me, than the relation of our proceedings. To 
which I answer, that as in one so of the other, I will 
speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make known what I 
conceive thereof. 

" And first for that continent, on which we are called 
New England, although it hath ever been conceived by 
the English to be a part of that main land adjoining to 
Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should appear 
to be otherwise : for they affirm confidently, that it is an 
island, and that either the Dutch or French pass through 
from sea to sea, between us and Virginia, and drive a 
great trade in the same. The name of that inlet of the 
sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which 
we call Hudson's River, up which Master Hudson went 
many leagues, and for want of means (as I hear) left it 



100 E. 

undiscovered. For confirmation of this, their opinion is 
thus much; though Virginia be not above an hundred 
and fifty leagues from us, yet they never heard of Pow- 
hatan, or knew that any English were planted in his coun- 
try, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an 
English ship thither : and therefore it is the more proba- 
ble, because the water is not passable for them, who are 
very adventurous in their boats. 

" Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three 
years' experience, I can scarce distinguish New England 
from Old England, in respect of heat, and cold, frost, 
snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because our plan- 
tation lieth in the latitude of 42 it must needs be much 
hotter. I confess, I cannot give the reason of the contra- 
ry ; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed 
England, it is so little as must require better judgments to 
discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if there be 
difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England 
than Old : and yet the want of those comforts in the one 
which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judg- 
ment also. But in my best observation, comparing our 
own condition with the relations of other parts of Amer- 
ica, I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the 
constitution of the English, not being oppressed with ex- 
tremity of heat, nor nipped with biting cold, by which 
means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwith- 
standing, those difficulties we have undergone, in such a 
measure as would have been admired, if we had lived in 
England with the like means. 

" The day is two hours longer than here when it is at 
the shortest, and as much shorter there, when it is at the 
longest. 

" The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some 
clay, others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain is the 
Indian maize, or Guinea wheat ; the seed time beginneth 
in midst of April, and continueth good till the midst of 
May. Our harvest beginneth with September. This 
corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferiour in quan- 
tity to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceive, is be- 
cause Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring 



101 

great heat to ripen ; but whereas it is objected against 
New England, that corn will not there grow, except the 
ground be manured with fish ? I answer, that where men 
set with fish (as with us) it is more easy so to do than 
to clear ground and set without some five or six years, 
and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not 
but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with 
ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years together 
without, and have as good corn or better than we have 
that set with them, though indeed I think if we had cat- 
tle to till the ground, it would be more profitable and 
better agreeable to the soil, to sow wheat, rye, barley, 
peas, and oats, than to set maize, which our Indians call 
ewachim : for we have had experience that they like 
and thrive well ; and the other will not be procured 
without good labour and diligence, especially at seed 
time, when it must be also watched by night to keep the 
wolves from the fish, till it be rotten^ which will be in 
fourteen days : yet men agreeing together, and taking 
their turns it is not much. 

" Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come 
to such as shall here plant by trade with the Indians for 
furs, if men take'a'rl^ht course for obtaining the same, 
for I dare presume upon that small experience I have had, 
to aifirm, that the English, Dutch, and French, return 
yearly many thousand pounds profits by trade only from 
that island, on which we are seated. 

" Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit 
as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to 
follow it, though the increase were equal, because fish is 
a better and richer commodity, and more necessary, 
which may be and are there had in as great abundance as 
in any other part of the world ; witness the west coun- 
try merchants of England, which return incredible gains 
yearly from thence. And if they can so do which here 
buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more com- 
pany to make their voyage, than will sail their ships, 
what may the planters expect when once they are seated, 
and make the most of their salt there, and employ them- 
selves at least eight months ifv fishing, whereas the othe r 



102 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour 
all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- 
tions, may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and 
have their lading provided against they come.. I confess, 
we have come so far short of the means to raise such re- 
turns, as with great difficulty we have preserved our 
lives ; insomuch, as when I look back upon our condi- 
tion, and weak means to preserve the same, I rather ad- 
mire at God's mercy and providence in our preservation, 
than that no greater things have been effected by us. 
But though our beginning have been thus raw, small, 
and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet the same God that 
hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope will raise 
means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether, 
or principally propound profit to be the main end of that 
we have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the ho- 
nour of our country, in the enlarging of his majesty's do- 
minions, yet wanting outward means, to set things in that 
forwardness we desire, and to further the latter by the 
former, I thought meet to offer both to consideration, 
hoping that where religion and profit jump together 
(which is rare) in so honourable an action, it will encour- 
age every honest man, either in person or purse, to set 
forward the same, or at leastwise to commend the welfare 
thereof in his dailv prayers to the blessing of the blessed 
God. 

" I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store 
of venison, and variety of fish, in their seasons, which 
might encourage many to go in their persons, only I ad- 
vise all such beforehand to consider, that as they hear of 
countries that abound with the good creatures of God, so 
means must be used for the taking of every one in his 
kind, and therefore not only to content themselves that 
there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able 
to obtain the same, otherwise, as he that walketh London 
streets, though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he 
want means, is not the better but hath rather his sorrow 
increased by the sight of that he wanteth, and cannot en- 
joy it : so also there, if thou want art and Other necessa- 
ries thereunto belonging, thou mayest see that thou want- 



103 

est) and thy heart desireth, and yet be never the better 
for the same. Therefore if thou see thine own insuffici- 
ency of thyself, then join to some others, where thou 
mayest in some measure enjoy the same, otherwise as- 
sure thyself, thou art better where thou art. Some there 
be that thinking altogether of their present wants they 
enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, through indis- 
cretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery. 
As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so 
chargeable, as without great difficulty a man cannot 
accomplish the same ; never considering,*that as he shall 
have no rent to pay, so he must build his house before he 
have it, and peradventure may with more ease pay for his 
fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not cat- 
tle to draw it there ; though there is no scarcity but ra- 
ther too great plenty. 

" I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seri- 
ously upon due examination set themselves to further 
the glory of God, and the honour of our country, in so 
worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage such as 
with too great lightness undertake such courses, who 
peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their 
passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their 
foolish imagination made void, are at their wits' end, and 
would give ten times so much for their return, if they 
could procure it, and out of such discontented passions 
and humours, spare not to lay that imputation upon the 
country, and others, which themselves deserve. 

M As for example, I have heard some complain of others 
for their large reports of New England, and yet because 
they must drink water and want many delicates they 
here enjoyed, could presently return with their mouths 
full of clamours. And can any be so simple as to con- 
ceive that the fountains should stream forth wine, or beer, 
or the woods and rivers be like butchers' shops, or fish- 
mongers' stalls, where they might have things taken to 
their hands. If thou canst not live without such things, 
and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take 
pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for 
thee, rest where thou art : for as a proud heart, a dainty 



m 

104 E. WINSLOW'S RELATION. 

tooth, a beggar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intole- 
rable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is 
much more abominable. If therefore God hath given 
thee a heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds 
as bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a 
principal, and all other outward good things but as ac- 
cessaries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it 
may be not : then thou wilt with true comfort and thank- 
fulness receive the least of his mercies ; whereas on the 
contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, be- 
ing senseless of greater blessings, and through prejudice 
smother up the love and bounty of God, whose name be 
ever glorified in us, and by us, now and evermore. 
Amen. 

FINIS. 



A Postscript. 

u If any man desire a more ample relation of the state 
of this country, before such time as this present relation 
taketh place, I refer them to the two former printed 
books : the one published by the President and Council 
for New England, and the other gathered by the inhabi- 
tants of this present plantation at Plimouth in New Eng- 
land : both which books are to be sold by John Bellamy, 
at his shop at the three golden lions in Corn-hill near the 
Royal Exchange." 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 105 



A Perfect Description of Virginia : 

Being a full and true Relation of the present state of the Planta- 
tion, their health, peace, and plenty : the number of people, with 
their abundance of cattle, fowl, fish, fyc. with several sorts of rich 
and good commodities, which may there be had, either naturally, 
or by art and labour. Which we are fain to procure from Spain, 
France, Denmark, Swedeland, Germany, Poland, yea, from the 
East Indies. There having been nothing related of the true estate 
of this Plantation these twenty-five years. 

Being sent from Virginia, at the request of a gentleman of worthy 
note, who desired to know the true state of Virginia as it now 
stands. 

\Also, a Narration of the country, within a few days' journey of Vir- 
ginia, west and by south, where people come to trade : being relat- 
ed to the governour, Sir William Berckley, who is to go himself 
to discover it with thirty horse, and fifty foot, and other things 
needful for his enterprise. 

With the manner how the Emperour Nichotaivance came to Sir Wil- 
liam Berckley, attended with five petty kings, to do homage, and 
bring tribute to King Charles. With his solemn protestation, that 
the sun and moon should lose their lights, before he {or his people 
in that country} should prove disloyal, but ever to keep faith and 
allegiance to King Charles. 

London : Printed for Richard Wodenoth, at the Star under Peter's 



Church in Cornhill. 1649. 






These things that follow in this ensuing relation are certified 
by divers letters from Virginia, by men of worth and credit 
there, written to a friend in England, that for his own, and 
other's satisfaction, was desirous to know these particulars, 
and the present estate of that country. And let no man 
doubt of the truth of it, there be many in England, land and 
seamen that can bear witness of it. And if this plantation 
be not worth encouragement, let every true Englishman judge. 

1. THAT there are in Virginia about fifteen thousand 
English, and of negroes brought thither, three hundred 
good servants. 

VOL. ix. 15 






106 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

2. That of kine, oxen, bulls, calves, twenty thousand, 
large and good, and they make plenty of butter and very 
good cheese. 

3. That there are of an excellent race, about two hun- 
dred horse and mares. 

4. That of asses for burthen and use, there is fifty, but 
daily increase. 

5. That for sheep they have about three thousand, 
good wool. 

6. That for goats their number is five thousand, thrive 
well. 

7. That for swine both tame and wild (in the woods) 
innumerable ; the flesh pure and good, and bacon none 
better. 

8. That for poultry, hens, turkies, ducks, geese, with- 
out number. 

9. That they yearly plough and sow many hundred 
acres of wheat, as good, and fair, as any in the world, 
and great increase. . 

10. That they have plenty of barley, make excellent 
malt. 

11. That they have six publick brew-houses, and most 
brew their own beer, strong and good. 

12. That their hops are fair and large, thrive well. 

13. That they sell their beef at two pence half-penny 
a pound, pork at three pence a pound, plentifully. 

14. That their cattle are about the prices in England, 
and most of the ships that come yearly hither, are there 
victualed. 

15. That they have thirty several sorts of fish, river, 
and sea, very excellent good in their kinds, plentiful and 
large. 

16. That they have five and twenty sundry sorts of 
birds and fowls, land and water abundance, and for food 
not amiss. 

17. That they have twenty kind of beasts, whereof 
deer abundance, most sorts to be eaten ; creeping crea- 
tures many also. 

18. That they have fifteen kinds of fruits, pleasant and 
good, and with Italy they will compare for delicate fruits. 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 107 

19 That they have five and twenty sorts of trees, large, 
good and fit for shipping, housing, and other uses. 

20. That they have roots of several kinds, potatoes, 
asparagus, carrots, turnips, parsnips, onions, and arti- 
chokes. 

22. For herbs they have of all kinds for garden, and 
physick flowers. 

23. That their maize or Virginia corn, it yields them 
five hundred for one, increase, (it's set as we do garden 
peas) it makes good bread and furmity, will keep seven 
years, and malts well for beer, and ripe in five months, 
set in April or May. 

24. That they have store of Indian peas, better than 
ours, beans, lupines, and the like. 

25. They have store of bees in their woods, make 
plenty of honey and wax, and also tame bees in hives 
about their houses. 

26. Indigo begins to be planted, and thrives wonder- 
fully well, grows up to a little tree, and rich indigo made 
of the leaves of it, all men begins to get some of the seeds, 
and know it will be oftentimes the gain to them as tobac- 
co (and gain now carries the bell ;) their hopes are great 
to gain the trade of it from the Mogul's country, and to 
supply all Christendom, and this will be many thousands 
of pounds in the year. 

27. Their tobacco is much vented and esteemed in all 
places, yet the quantity's so great that's made, that the 
price there is but three pence a pound. A man can plant 
two thousand weight a year of it, and also sufficient corn 
and roots, and other provisions for himself. 

28. They begin to plant much hemp and flax which 
they find grows well and good, only hands are wanting 
to this and other works. 

29. Iron ore and rich mine are in abundance in the 
land, fit streams and waters to erect iron mills, woods ne- 
ver to be destroyed to burn coal, and all this lie on great 
rivers' banks, easy for transportation of wood and ore, and 
there is stone fit to build the furnaces with ; ' trial hath 
been made of this iron ore, and not better and richer in 
the world ; his work erecte# would be as much w r orth as 



108 i A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

a silver mine, all things considered; not only to make 
all instruments of iron for the plantation's uses, but for 
building, shipping, there being wanting in that country no 
other materials to that work ; then the casting of ordnance, 
and making them, will abound to serve all the world ; so 
of muskets, armour, all kind of tools, and manufacture 
of iron works will be produced in abundance, so that it 
would become speedily the magazine of iron instruments 
in every kind, and at cheap rates ; so that no nation could 
afford them half so cheap, and all men know, that iron 
will command better mines. 

20. Skilful iron- men for the works sent out of England, 
with the assistance of as many more able labourers there in 
Virginia, housing and victual ready provided for them ; 
fitting places for erecting, the mills found out already, and 
oxen for draught at hand, the work in six months' time, 
would be effected, and four hundred pound charge to 
transport the twenty men to Virginia, with all tools and 
necessaries for the work would do it ; and these men for 
their encouragement to have half the gain made qf the 
iron to be yearly divided betwixt the undertakers and 
workmen, the profit and gain would be to the enriching 
of all. 

30. They have four wind mills, and five water mills to 
grind their corn ; besides many horse mills of several 
kinds, and hand mills for several uses ; a sawing mill for 
boards is much wanted ; one mill driven by water, will 
do as much as twenty sawyers^ &c\ 

31. There comes yearly to trade with them above thir- 
ty sail of ships, and in these not so little as seven or eight 
hundred mariners employed, (some say above a thousand, 
this is a considerable thing) and they return laden home 
in March ; (this is a cfodtl seminary for mariners.) 

32; The commodity these ships bring, is linen cloth 
of all sorts, and so of woollen cloth, stockings, shoes, and 
the like things. 

33. Most of the masters of ships and chief mariners have 
also there plantations, and houses, and servants, he. in Vir- 
ginia : and so are every way great gainers by freight, by 
merchandise, and by plantation and pipe staves, clapboard, 






A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRCINIA. 109 

choice walnut tree wood, cedar tree timber and the like, 
is transported by them if tobacco is not their full lading. 

34. They have in their colony pinnaces, barks, great 
and small boats many hundreds, for most of their planta- 
tions stand upon the rivers' sides or up little creeks, and 
but a small way into the land, so that for transportation 
and fishing they use many boats. 

55. They make pitch and tar, (and there is materials 
in the woods for abundance :) also for pot and soap ashes, 
woods most proper and store : hands want. 

36. That for mulberry trees, the natural and proper 
food for silk worms, they have abundance in the woods, 
and some so large that one tree contains as many leaves 
as will feed silk worms that will make as much silk as may 
be worth five pounds sterling money, this some French- 
men affirm ,■ And now they desire silk worms' seed which is 
sent them, and their hopes are good of the thriving of it ; 
a commodity that may soon enrich them all with little 
labour, care or pains; all materials so plentiful and at 
hand, the food in abundance, the climate warm, and the 
work done in five weeks' time, and within doors, by wo- 
men and children as well as men, and at that time of the 
)^ear in May, that it hinders not any other work or plant- 
ing, sowing, or the like employments ; such an advan- 
tage, that had the Dutch the like in any of their planta- 
tions, they would improve it to the certain gain in the 
trade of silk from Persia and China, which we fetch with 
great charge and expen\£ and hazard, and enrich heathen 
and Mahumetans greatly ; but to these things lack pub- 
lick and state encouragements to begin the work : but 
more of this in another place, it deserves a full handling. 

37. Vines in abundance and variety, do grow natural- 
ly over all the land, but by the bnfls and beasts, most de- 
voured before they come to perfection and ripeness ; but 
this testifies and declares, that the ground and the cli- 
mate is most proper, and the commodity of wine is not a 
contemptible merchandise ; but some men of worth and 
estate must give in these things example to the inferiour 
inhabitants and ordinary sort of men, to shew them the 
gain and commodity by j^which they will not believe 



w 

110 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

Dut by experience before their faces : and in tobacco they 
can make 20 £. sterling a man, at 3d. a pound per an- 
num ; and this they find and know, and the present gain 
is that, that puts out all endeavours from the attempting 
of others more staple, and solid, and rich commodities, 
out of the heads and hands of the common people : so as 
I say, the wealthier sort of men must begin and give the 
example, and make the gain of other commodities as ap- 
parent to them, by the effecting them to perfection, or it 
will not (as it hath not hitherunto) go forward. 

38. That they have health very well, and fewer die in 
a year there, according to the proportion, than in any place 
of England ; since that men are provided with all neces- 
saries, have plenty of victual, bread, and good beer, and 
housing, all which the Englishmen loves full dearly. 

39. That the passengers also come safe and well : the 
seamen of late years having found a way, that now in five, 
six, and seven weeks they sail to Virginia free from all 
rocks, sands, and pirates ; and that they return home again 
in twenty days sometimes, and thirty at most; the winds 
commonly serving more constantly, being westerly home- 
ward, the easterly outward bound. 

40. That the mouth of the two capes of land, Cape 
Henry on the south, and Cape Charles on the north ; the 
entrance in is in 37 degrees : that the first river up the west 
is James River, where most of the plantations are settled 
and towns : the second is Charles River on the north of it ; 
and the third called by the Indian name Tapahanuke, the 
fourth river Patawoenicke, the fifth river Patuxant, the 
sixth Bolus, the seventh Saquisahanuke : at the head of 
the great Bay of Chespiacke, into which bay these seven 
rivers from the west side of it do all enter and run into, and 
so the mouth of the bay issueth out due east into the main 
sea between the two aforesaid capes ; the bay lies north 
and south, and hath a channel in draught of one hundred 
and forty miles, and in depth between five* six, and fifteen 
fathoms in some places. The wideness of the bay is from 
the west side which is the great land, to the east side of the 
land which joins upon the sea called the Ac'amake shore ; 
the wideness and breadth of this bay I say, is about nine, 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. Ill 

ten, and fourteen miles broad in some places of it ; and 
these seven rivers have their mouths into the bay, not 
above twenty miles, each river is distant from the other ; 
but this in Smith's map is more at large described. 

41. That some English about a thousand are seated 
upon the Acamake shore by Cape Charles, (where Cap- 
tain Yeardley is chief commander) now called the coun- 
ty of Northampton. 

42. That they have lime in abundance made for their 
houses, store of bricks made, and house andchimnies built 
of brick, and some wood high and fair, covered with shin- 
gle for tile, yet they have none that make them, wanting 
workmen ; in that trade the brick makers have not the 
art to do it, it shrinketh. 

43. That since the massacre, the savages have beei 
driven far away, many destroyed of them, their towns and 
houses ruinated, their clear grounds possessed by the En- 
glish to sow wheat in : and their great king Opechauke- 
now (that bloody monster upon a hundred years old) was 
taken by Sir William Berkely the governour. 

44. All kinds of tradesmen may live well there, and do 
gain much by their labours and arts, as turners, potters, 
coopers ; to make all kind of earthen and wooden ves- 
sels, sawyers, carpenters, tile makers, boat-wrights, tai- 
lors, shoemakers, tanners, fishermen, and the like. 

45. Young youths from sixteen years and upward, 
for apprentices and servants for some years, then to have 
land given them, and cattle to set up. Thousands of 
these kinds of young boys and maidens wanting. 

46. That the government is after the laws of England, 
(that is well for men before they go, to know under 
what laws they shall live^ a governour and council of 
state, and yearly general" assemblies, men chosen and sen 
out of each county, (there being twelve in Virginia ; 
these men vote, and by the major part all things are con 
eluded ; and they are elected to those places by the mos 
voices in the county for whom they are chosen, and b) 
whom sent. 

47. They have twenty churches in Virginia, and min- 
isters to each, and the doctt^feand orders after the church 



112 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. - 

of England : the ministers' livings are esteemed worth at 
least 100 £. per annum ; they are paid by each planter so 
much tobacco per poll, and so many bushels of corn: 
they live all in peace and love. 

48. That for matter of their better knowledge of 'trie land 
they dwell in, the planters resolve to make a further dis- 
covery into the country, west and by south up above the 
fall, and over the hills, and are confident upon what they 
have learned from the Indians, to find a way to a west or 
south sea by land or rivers, and to discover a way to Chi- 
na and East Indies, or unto some other sea that shall car- 
ry them thither ; for Sir Francis Drake was on the back 
side of Virginia in his voyage about the world in 37 de- 
grees just opposite to Virginia, and called Nova Albion, 
and by the natives kindly used : and now all the question 
is only how broad the land may be to that place from the 
head of James River above the falls, but all men conclude 
if it be not narrow, yet that there is and will be found the 
like rivers issuing into a south sea or a west sea on the 
other side of those hills, as there is on this side when they 
run from the west down into a east sea after a course -of 
one hundred and fifty miles; but of this certainty M. 
Hen. Brigs that most judicious and learned mathemati- 
cian wrote a small tractate, and presented it to that most 
noble Earl of Southampton then governour of the Vir- 
ginia Company in England, anno 1623, to which I refer 
for a full information. 

And by such a discovery the planters in Virginia shall 
gain the rich trade of the East India, and so cause it to be 
driven through the continent of Virginia, part by land and 
part by water, and in a most gainful way and safe, and far 
less expenseful and dangerous, than now it is. 

And they doubt not to find some rich and beneficial 
country, and commodities not yet known to the world that 
lies west and by south now from their present plantation. 

49. That the Swedes have come and crept into a ri- 
ver called Delawar, that is, within the limits of Virginia in 
38 degrees and 30 minutes, jt lies, and are there planted, 
one hundred of them drive a gr^at and secret trade of furs, 
which they trade for with tjienatives : it is but two days' 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 113 

journey by land from our plantations, and a day's sail by 
sea from Cape Charles. 

50. And again, the Hollanders have stolen into a river 
called Hudson's River in the limits also of Virginia (and 
about 39 degrees) they have built a strong fort there, and 
call it Prince Maurice and New Netherlands, they drive 
a trade of furs there with the natives for above ten thousand 
pounds a year. 

These two plantations are between Virginia and New 
England on our side of Cape Cod which parts us and 
New England. 

Thus are the English nosed in all places, and out-trad- 
ed by the Dutch, they would not suffer the English to 
use them so : but they have vigilant statesmen, and ad- 
vance all they can for a common good, and will not spare 
any encouragements to their people to discover. 

But it is well known, that our English plantations have 
had little countenances, nay, that our statesmen (when 
time was) had store of Gundemore 's gold to destroy and 
discountenance the plantation of Virginia, and he effected 
it in a great part, by dissolving the company, wherein most 
of the nobility, gentry, corporate cities, and most mer- 
chants of England, were interested and engaged ; after 
the expense of some hundred of thousands of pounds : 
for Gundemore did affirm to his friends, that he had com- 
mission from his .master to ruin that plantation. For, 
said he, should they thrive and go on increasing, as they 
have done under the government of that popular L. of 
Southampton, my master's West Indies, and his Mexico 
would shortly be visited by sea and by land, from those 
planters in Virginia. And Marquis Hambleton told the 
Earl of Southampton, that Gundemore said to King James, 
that the Virginia courts, was but a seminary to a sedi- 
tious parliament. But this is but a touch by the way, 
and for a future item to our country not to despise plan- 
tations. 

| 51. The land in Virginians most fruitful, and produ- 
*ceth, with very great increa^ whatsoever is committed 
into the bowels of it, planted sowed. A fat rich soil 

vol, ix. 16 



114 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

every where watered with many fine springs, small rivu- 
lets, and wholesome waters. 

52. The country is with pleasant rising small ascents 
and descents, valleys, hills, meadows, and some level up- 
land : it's woody all over, but where labour hath cleared 

the ground from trees, and this truly is the great labour 
in Virginia, to fell trees, and to get up the roots, and so 
make clear ground for the plough. 

53. Stones, and rocks, and quarries of several kinds, 
and very fit for the iron furnaces, (as trial hath been made 
to endure fire) are in divers places found in Virginia. 

54. There is divers skins of beasts for merchandise 
and uses, as beavers, otters, squirrels, wild-cats, and 
christal is there found. 

55. Divers kind of drugs, gums, dyes, paints, that the 
Indians use. 

56. There is a kind of flax the Indians use to make 
threads of and strings, we call it silk-grass, it's fine to 
make both linen and stuff of it; abundance in many 
places of it groweth. 

57. To the southward of James River, some fifty miles 
by land, and eighty by sea, lies the River Chawanok : 
whither Master Porey went by land, and reported, the 
king there told him, that within ten days' journey west- 
ward towards sunsetting, there were a people that did 
gather out of a river sand, the which they washed in sieves, 
and had a thing out of it, that they th£h put into the fire, 
which melted, and became like to our copper, and offered 
to send some of his people to guide him to that place. 
But Master Porey being not provided with men as he 
would have had of English, he returned to Sir George 
Yearly, and acquainted him with the relation. But before 
they could prepare for the journey, and discovery, the 
first massacre happened, and so to this day it hath been un- 
attempted. The company also in England was dissolv- 
ed, their patent most unjustly, against all law and con- 
science, taken from them. Procured by the Spanish gold 
and faction, and the colony neyer looked after, whether 
sink or swim ; and hath now these twenty-four years 



1 






A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 115 

since, laboured for life, and only to subsist with much 
ado ; the cattle then left, increased to what you hear, and 
in all these many years no more people in it, and they 
having little encouragement, and great uncertainties, whe- 
ther ever to be continued a colony, whereby men have 
had no heart to plant for posterity, but every man for the 
present, planted tobacco to get a livelihood by it. 

And had not this present governour been sent as he 
was, and continued, who hath done all a gentleman could 
do to maintain it alive ; it had upon this second massacre 
been utterly deserted and ruinated ; as things stand in our 
own land. If any demand the cause of this late massacre, 
all having been forgiven and forgotten, what the Indians 
did the first time; those that are planters there, write the oc- 
casion of the Indians doing so wicked an act was. O^That 
some of them confessed, that their great king was by 
some English informed, that all was under the sword in 
England, in their native country, and such divisions in 
our land ; that now was his time, or never, to root out 
all the English : for those that they could not surprise 
and kill under the feigned mask of friendship and feasting, 
and the rest would be by wants ; and having no supplies 
from their own country which could not help them, be 
suddenly consumed and famished. The Indians alaruming 
them night and day, and killing all their cattle, as with ease 
they might do, and by destroying in the nights, all their 
corn fields, whicJi the English could not defend. All 
this had (as they write) taken full effect, if God had not 
abated the courages of the savages in that moment of time, 
they so treacherously slew the English ; who were pre- 
sently (the act done) so affrighted in their own minds, 
that they had not the Heart to follow the counsels their 
king had commanded :, but to the admiration of the En- 
glish, prosecuted not their opportunity, nor were con- 
stant to their own principles. But fled away and retired 
themselves many miles distant off the colony; which lit- 
tle space of time gave the English opportunity to gather 
themselves together, call ^n assembly, secure their cattle, 
and to think upon some*way to defend themselves, if 



116 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

need were, and then to offend their enemies ; which by 
the great mercy of God was done and effected ; and the 
particulars of all is worthy in some other place to be re- 
membered and manifested to the world, that the great 
God may have his due glory, honour, and praise for ever 
and ever, Amen, amen, amen. And now at this present 
the colony is in good estate (and never a third time to be so 
surprised by a seeming friend.) And they conclude, their 
conditions are now, such as they may and will greatly 
improve the advancement and welfare of the colony, even 
by this late sad accident ; and the pit their enemies dig- 
ged for them, they are like to fall into themselves, and 
their mischief will and hath assuredly fallen far more 
upon their own pates ; since their great king was taken 
prisoner. 

And in these, they say in three letters, that if God 
please, in mercy, now to look upon poor England, that it 
fall not into a second war, nor relapses, but a happy peace 
settled in their native country. Then they in Virginia 
shall be as happy a people as any under heaven, for there 
is nothing wanting there to produce them, plenty, health, 
and wealth. 

58. Concerning New England, that they have trade 
with them to and fro, and are but four days' sail off from 
Virginia, that they have had many cattle from Virginia, 
and corn, and many other things ; that New England, is 
in a good condition for livelihood. But for matter of any 
great hopes but fishing, there is not much in that land ; 
for it's as Scotland is to England, so much difference, 
and lies upon the same land northward, as Scotland doth 
to England ; there is much cold, frost and snow, and their 
land so barren, except a herring be put into the hole that 
you set the corn or maize in, it will not come up ; and it 
was great pity, all those people being now about twenty 
thousand, did not seat themselves at first to the south of 
Virginia, in a warm and rich country, where their indus- 
try would have produced sugar, indigo, ginger, cotton, 
and the like commodities, 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 117 

And it's now reported in Virginia that thousands of 
them are removing (with many from Summer Islands 
also) unto the Bahana Islands, near the Cape of Florida ; 
and that's the right way for them to go and thrive. 



Letters came now this March, 1648, relate further. 

That Opachankenow the old emperour being dead 
since he was taken prisoner by our governour, there is cho- 
sen a new one, called Nickotawance, who acknowledges 
to hold his government under King Charles, and is be- 
come tributary to him, and this March, 1648, Nickota- 
wance came to Jamestown, to our noble governour Sir 
William Bearkley with five more petty kings attending 
him, and brought twenty beavers' skins to be sent to King- 
Charles as he said for tribute ; and after a long oration, 
he concluded with this protestation ; that the sun and 
moon should first lose their glorious lights and shining, 
before he, or his people, should evermore hereafter wrong 
the. English in any kind, but they would ever hold love 
and friendship together ; and to give the English better 
assurance of their faith, he had decreed, that if any Indian 
be seen to come within the limits of the English colony, 
(except they come with some message from him, with 
such and such tokens) that it shall be lawful to kill them 
presently ; and the English shall be free to pass at all 
times when and where they please throughout his domin- 
ions. 

And the Indians have of late acquainted our governour, 
that within five days' journey to the westward and by south, 
there is a great high mountain, and at foot thereof, great 
rivers that run into a great sea ; and that there are men that 
come hither in ships, (but not the same as ours be) they 
wear apparel and have %eed caps on their heads, and ride 
on beasts like our horses, but have much longer ears and 
other circumstances they declare for the certainty of these 
things. 

* Red? 



118 A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 

That Sir William was hereupon preparing fifty horse 
and fifty foot, to go and discover this thing himself in 
person, and take all needful provision in that case requi- 
site along with him : he was ready to go when these last 
ships set sail for England in April last ; and we hope to 
give a good account of it by the next ships, God giv- 
ing a blessing to the enterprise, which will mightily ad- 
vance and enrich this country ; for it must needs prove 
a passage to the South Sea (as we call it) and also some 
part of China and the East Indies. 

The governour Sir William, caused half a bushel of 
rice (which he had procured) to be sown and it prospered 
gallantly, and he had fifteen bushels of it, excellent good 
rice, so that all these fifteen bushels will be sown again 
this year; and we doubt not in a short time to have 
rice so plentiful as to afford it at 2d. a pound if not cheap- 
er, for we perceive the ground and climate is very proper 
for it as our negroes affirm, which in their country is most 
of their food, and very healthful for our bodies. 

We have many thousand of acres of clear land, Lmean 
where the wood is ail off it (for you must know all Vir- 
ginia is full of trees) and we have now going near upon a 
hundred and fifty ploughs, with many brave yoke of ox- 
en, and we sow excellent wheat, barley, rye, beans, peas, 
oats ; and our increase is wonderful, and better grain not 
in the world. 

One Captain Brocas, a gentleman of the council, a great 
traveller, caused a vineyard to be planted, and hath most 
excellent wine made, and the country, he saith, as proper 
for vines as any in Christendom, vines indeed naturally 
growing over all the country in abundance : only skilful 
men wanting here. 

That at last Christmas we had trading here ten ships 
from London, two from Bristol, twelye Hollanders, and 
seven from New England. 

Mr. Richard Bennet had this year out of his orchard as 
many apples as he made twenty butts of excellent cider. 

And Mr. Richard Kinsman hath had for this three or 
four years, forty or fifty butts of perry made out of his 
orchard, pure and good. 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 119 

So that you may perceive how proper our country is 
for these fruits, and men begin now to plant great or- 
chards, and find the way of grafting upon crab stocks, 
best for lasting, here being naturally in this land store of 
wild crab trees. 

Mr. Hough at Nausamund, hath a curious orchard also, 
with all kind and variety of several fruits ; the governour 
in his new orchard hath fifteen hundred fruit trees, besides 
his apricots, peaches, mellicotons, quinces, wardens, and 
such like fruits. 

I mention these particular men, that all may know the 
truth of things. 

Worthy Captain Matthews an old planter of above thir- 
ty years' standing, one of the council, and a most deserv- 
ing commonwealth's man, I may not omit to let you know 
this gentleman's industry. 

He hath a fine house, and all things answerable to it : 
he sows yearly store of hemp and flax, and causes it to be 
spun ; he keeps weavers, and hath a tan house, causes 
leather to be dressed, hath eight shoemakers employed in 
their trade, hath forty negro servants, brings them up to 
trades in his house ; he yearly sows abundance of wheat, 
barley, &c. the wheat he selleth at four shillings the bush- 
el, kills store of beeves, and sells them to victual the ships 
when they come thither : hath abundance of kine, a brave 
dairy, swine great store, and poultry ; he married the 
daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton, and in a word, keeps a 
good house, lives bravely, and a true lover of Virginia ; 
he is worthy of much honour. 

Our spring begins the tenth of February, the trees bud, 
the grass springs, and our autumn and fall of leaf is in 
November, our winter short, and most years very gentle, 
snow lies but little, yet ice some years. 

I may not forget to tell you we have a free school, 
with two hundred acres of land, a fine house upon it, for- 
ty milch kine, and other accommodations to it : the ben- 
efactor deserves perpetual memory ; his name Mr. Benja- 
min Symes, worthy to be chronicled; other petty schools 
also we have. 






120 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 



We have most rare coloured parraketoes, and one bird 
we call the mock-bird ; for he will imitate all other birds' 
notes, and cries both day and night birds, yea, the owls 
and nightingales. 

For bees there is in the country which thrive and pros- 
per very well there : one Mr. George Pelton, alias, Stray- 
ton, a ancient planter of twenty-five years' standing that 
had store of them, he made thirty pounds a year profit of 
them ; but by misfortune his house was burnt down, 
and many of his hives perished, he makes excellent good 
metheglin, a pleasant and strong drink, and it serves him 
and his family for good liquor ; If men would endea- 
vour to increase this kind of creature, there would be 
here in a short time abundance of wax and honey, for 
there is all the country over delicate food for bees, and 
there is also bees naturally in the land, though we account 
not of them. 

59. Now these are the several sorts and kinds of 
beasts, birds, fish, in Virginia. 

Beasts great and small asfolloweth ; above twenty several 

kinds. 



1. Lions. 

2. Bears. 

3. Leopard. 

4. Elks. 

But all these four sorts are 
up in the higher parts of 
the country, on the hills 
and mountains, few to be 
seen in the lower parts 
where j the English are; 
the elks are as great as 
oxen, their horns six foot 
wide, and have two calves 
at a time ; the skins make 
good buff, and the flesh 
as good as beef. 

5. Deer. 



6. Foxes. 

7. Wild-cats. 

8. Rackoons, as good meat 
as lartib. 

9. Passonnes. This beast 
hath a bag under her 
belly into which she 
takes her young ones, 
if at any time affrighted, 

^and qarries them away. 
10. Two sorts of squirrels. 
One called a flying one, 
for that she spreads like 
a bat a certain loose skin 
she hath and so flies a 
good way. 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 



121 



13. 



14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 



A musk-rat, so called 
for his great sweetness 
and shape. 
Hares. 
Beavers. 
Otters. 

Dogs, but bark not, af- 
ter the shape of a wolf, 
and foxes smell not ; 
wolves but little, neither 
not fierce. 



18. Wolves. 

19. Martins, pole-cats, wea- 
sels, minks : but these 
vermin hurt not hens, 
chickens or eggs, at any 
time. 

20. A little beast like a co- 
ny, the foxes kill many 
of them. 



Birds are these, viz. above twenty-Jive several kinds. 



1. Eagles. 


13. Herons. 


2. Hawks of six several 


14. Geese. 


kinds. 


15. Brants. 


3. Partridges many. 

4. Wild turkies, some 
weighing sixty pound 
weight. 

5. Red-birds, that sing 


16. Ducks. 

17. Widgeons. 

18. Dotterels. 

19. Oxeyes. 

20. Parrots. 


rarely. 

6. Nightingales. 

7. Blue-birds, smaller than 
a wren. 

8. Black-birds. ** 


21. Pigeons. 

22. Owls. 

Many more that have no 
English names ; for one 
called the mock- bird, 


9. Thrushes. 


that counterfeits all oth- 


10. Heath-cocks. 


k er several birds' cries 


11. Swans. 


and tunes. 


12. Cranes. 





Fish are these in their kind, above thirty sorts. 



1. Cod. 

2. Bass. 

3. Drums six foot long. 

4. Sheepsheads, this fish, 
makes broth so like 
mutton broth, that the 

VOL. IX. 17 



5. 
6. 

7. 
8. 



difference 

known. 

Conger. 

Eels. 

Trouts. 

Mullets. 



is 



hardly 



122 



A NEW DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 



9. Plaice. 

10. Grampus. 

11. Porpus. 

12. Scales. 

13. Sturgeons, of ten foot 
long. 

14. Stingraes. 

15. Brets. 

16. White salmon. 

17. Soles. 

18. Herring. 

19. Cony-fish. 

20. Rock-fish. 



21. Lampries. 

22. Craw-fish. 

23. Shads. 

24. Perch. 

25. Crabs. 

26. Shrimps. 

27. Crecy-fish. 

28. Oysters. 

29. Cockles. 
30., Muscles. 

31. St. George-fish 

32. Toad-fish. 



Trees above ttoenty kinds, and many no English names. 



1. Oaks red & white wood. 

2. Ash. 

3. Walnut, two kinds. 

4. Elms. 

5. Cedar. 

6. Cypress three fathoms 
about. 

7. Mulberry trees great 
and good. 



8. Chesnut trees. 

9. Plum trees of many 
kinds. 

10. The puchamine tree. 

11. The laurel. 

12. Cherries. 

13. Crahes. 

14. Vines. 

15. Sassafras. 



Fruits they have, strawberries, gooseberries, raspber- 
ries, maracokos, puchamines, muskmellons, pumpions ; 
and for fruits brought thither and planted. Apples, pears, 
quinces, apricots, peaches ; and many more kinds excel- 
lent good, &c. 



FINIS, 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 123 



Statistical Account of the Town of Middlebury, 
in the State of Vermont. Part First. By Fred- 
erick Hall, Professor of Mathematics and Natu- 
ral Philosophy in Middlebury College, Fellow 
of the American and Connecticut Academies of 
Arts and Sciences, of the American Geological 
Society, Corresponding Member of the Linn^ean 
Society of New England, and Honorary Member 
of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New 
York. 

MIDDLEBURY, a post town, and the capital of Ad- 
dison county, is situated on both sides of Otter Creek, 
north by west from Rutland thirty-two miles, south-east 
from Vergenhes eleven, and five hundred and eleven north- 
east from the city of Washington. The centre of the 
town is about fourteen miles east from Lake Champlain. 

The latitude of the court house is 43°, 49', 51", north. 

Its longitude, west from Greenwich, is 73°, 10', 15". 

Boundaries. 

On the north, the township is bounded by New Haven 
and Bristol ; on the west, by Cornwall and Weybridge ; 
on the south, by Salisbury, and on the east, by Ripton. 

The boundary lines from north to south are a little more 
than six miles in ig^gth.;... those running from east to west, 
about seven. The town contains not far from forty-two 
square miles, or twenty-six thousand eight hundred and 
eighty acres. It extends over the summit of the western 
ridge of the Green Mountain. 

Charter. 
Its charter was granted by Benning Wentworth, gov- 
ernour of New Hampshire, November 2, 1761 ; that state 
then claiming the whole territory, lying between Connec- 
ticut River and Lake Champlain. 

Rivers. 
Middlebury River, or, at least, a principal branch of it, 
has its origin in the town of Hancock, passes through 



124 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

Goshen, and a corner of Ripton, and directing its course 
to the westward, mingles its waters, in the south part of 
Middlebury, with those of Otter Creek. The turnpike 
road from Vergennes to Windsor is, for a considerable 
distance, built on, or near, one of the banks of this stream, 
which presents to the traveller's eye a number of highly 
romantick prospects. It meets the river, and crosses it, 
at the foot of the mountain, a little east of the glass factory. 
From that point, in ascending, you keep in the vicinity 
of the stream, for more than a mile, hearing, constantly, 
the murmuring sound of the water, pouring down the 
cliffs, situated far beneath you. It is, in several places, 
not less than one hundred and fifty feet lower than the 
road ; and yet a line, falling perpendicularly, on the mid- 
dle of the stream, would not be more than half that dis- 
tance from the centre of the highway. This deep canal, 
lined on both sides by lofty forest trees, and exhibiting, 
all along, immense blocks of grey limestone, was, in all 
probability, produced by the operation of water. The 
length of the period requisite for its generation, we have 
not the means of determining ; though there is reason to 
believe, that many centuries have elapsed, since the work 
commenced. 

There was, doubtless, a time, when the waters, flow- 
ing down from the higher parts of the mountain, met ob- 
structions, which, during numerous years, were insur- 
mountable. Small lakes or ponds .were thus formed. 
The earthy and vegetable matter, brought by the water 
from the high lands, was here deposited. In consequence 
of successive deposites, the bottom of these ponds gradu- 
ally rose, and, after the waters had attained to a certain 
height, they attacked the natural mound, where it was 
least impregnable, and opening for themselves a channel, 
flowed off, and left the land naked, on which they had 
quietly reposed for ages. A number of small level tracts 
are to be seen on the mountain, which are manifestly allu- 
vial, and which were formed, it is likely, in the manner 
above described. 

This rivulet, winding its way along the mountain, fur- 
nishes trout, (salmo solar) in abundance. The fish are 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 125 

m 

small, often weighing less than an ounce a piece, but are 
remarkably tender, and of an excellent flavour. They 
are caught in the summer, dressed, and brought to this 
village for sale. The price varies from nine to twelve 
cents a pound. 

A large proportion of the land, contiguous to Middle- 
bury River, or in its vicinity, after it leaves the mountain, 
is also alluvial. Logs, three feet in diameter, have been 
discovered five or six feet below the surface, while the 
earth above them was covered with forest trees, which 
must have been some centuries in arriving at their enor- 
mous magnitude ; — a sufficient proof of the high antiqui- 
ty at which the first deposite was made. I am informed 
by Joshua Hyde, Esq. a proprietor of the land, and one of 
the earliest inhabitants of the town, that in digging wells 
near this river, after penetrating the vegetable mould, 
which is not deep, and after passing through a stratum 
of fine sand, five or six feet in thickness, you come to a 
bed of coarser sand, in which water, at no great depth, 
js invariably found. 

The land adjoining this stream is level, easily tilled, 
and yields fine crops of grass and grain. It is, however, 
less productive, at present, than it was immediately after 
its natural growth was removed. 

But the principal river, of which Middlebury can boast, 
is Otter Creek ; — a name, probably, derived from the cir^ 
cumstance of its haying, formerly, been much frequented 
by the otter. It is a river of considerable size ; being 
one hundred and seventy-five feet in width opposite my 
house. For twenty miles, towards its source, it is uncom- 
monly deep, for so narrow 7 a stream, and its current re- 
markably moderate. In t ( he spring, when the snow on 
the mountain is dissolving, it is navigable with boats, of 
several tons burden, from Pittsford to Middlebury- — a 
distance of twenty-four miles. Logs sufficient to keep 
two saw mills in operation, during most of the year ; to- 
gether with a large quantity of wood for fuel, and cedar 
posts for fence, are brought down in rafts. Most of the 
wooq!, destined to supply oft fires, is landed more than a 
mile above the village, and conveyed to it, in summer, or 



126 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



>■ 



autumn, on carts and wagons. This is sold, at this time, 
at te 1,50 a cord. 

But few fish are found in this stream. Though trout 
exist, in multitudes, in the shallow, rapid, pellucid waters 
of Middlebury River, they seldom venture down into the 
deep, and often turbid waters of Otter Creek. Perch 
(perca fluviatilis) have been occasionally caught, and a few 
trout. Eels (nrursena anguilla) are tolerably numerous. 
They seem partial to deep water which rests, as this does 
in many places, on a muddy bottom : they are taken 
with hooks. Near the water, a fire is kindled in the even- 
ing, by which they are drawn from their slimy lurking 
places, and enabled to see the bait. An experienced an- 
gler informs me, that he has, the past summer, frequent- 
ly caught some, which weighed from five to seven pounds 
each. 

Two years since, a number of gentlemen, in this and 
the neighbouringtowns, formed the project of transferring 
several kinds of fish from Lake Champlain to Otter Creek, 
hoping that they would multiply there, and thus produce 
a publick benefit. The experiment was made. A num- 
ber of pike, (esax lucius) or pickerel, bass, (perca ocela- 
ta) perch, and sheepshead, were, at different places, thrown 
into the creek. A confident expectation is entertained, 
that they will propagate and flourish in this stream, but a 
sufficient time has not elapsed fully to settle the question. 

The waters of Otter Creek must, at some ancient epoch, 
have overspread a much larger Surface than they occupy 
at the present day. For many miles above this place, most 
of the land, within a few rods of the stream, on one side, 
or on the other, and sometimes on both, is, beyond con- 
tradiction, alluvial. At certain points, the alluvion extends 
back fifty or sixty rods from the present channel. In 
causing a ditch to be dug, the past season, about forty 
rods long, in this made land, I had a good opportunity to 
examine the different kinds of earth, thrown up, in diffe- 
rent places. In some, it was a fine siliceous sand, nearly 
pure, and could not be, in the least, affected by diluted ni- 
tric, or sulphuric acid. In others, it was' a mixture of 
sand, clay and limestone. By dropping on it a little ni- 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 127 

trie acid, a brisk effervescence was produced. In one 
place, the earth was of a reddish colour and gave a strong 
odour of sulphur, which, probably arose from the decorar 
position of sulphuret of iron, brought, perhaps, by the 
water, from Brandon, or Pittsford, where this ore abounds. 

Between Middlebury and Vergennes, the navigation is 
prevented by several water falls. There is one, in this 
village, where the whole mass of water descends, perpenr 
dicularly, at a single leap, twenty feet. This cataract, in 
consequence of the numerous admirable situations which 
it affords for mills of all descriptions, may, with propriety, 
be regarded as one of the leading sources of the wealth 
and prosperity of the town. A bridge, forming a com- 
munication between the eastern and western parts of the 
borough, has been thrown across the creek, a few feet 
above the falls. 

A number of manufacturing establishments, whose ma- 
chinery is impelled by water, have been erected in the 
vicinity of the bridge. I shall commence with a descrip- 
tion, of the 

Manufactories 
situated on the eastern side of the riven 

The first is a grist mill, owned by Nathan Wood & Co* 
It is of stone, and the form of its base is that of an L. Its 
length, on the side next the water, is forty-five feet ; on 
the east side seventy( r six ; on the street forty-five, and it 
contains five sets of stones, with screens and other appa- 
ratus, moving with sufficient power to manufacture into 
flour eighty thousand bushels of grain annually. The situ- 
ation of this mill is singular ; and the plan, in part new, 
was formed by an ingenious architect, Mr. LaviusFilmore, 
to whom I am indebted for the following particulars relat- 
ing to it. It stands on a solid rock, projecting into the 
creek about thirty feet up-stream from the falls. 

After levelling the rock sufficiently for the foundation 
of the building, a vault was cut in it forty- three feet long, 
twenty-five deep, and eighteen wide, which brought it 
nearly even with the surface of the water at the foot of 
the cataract. Then an inlet was formed, twenty-five feet 



128 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

in length, through the solid rock, from the bed of the 
stream to the vault, through which water, in sufficient 
quantity to carry all the stones, and other machinery, flows 
into a floom, forty-three feet long, six wide, and eighteen 
deep, fortified by solid rock on all sides, except one, where 
the water, in the ordinary manner, is thrown on six tub- 
wheels, built on an improved construction, and placed in 
the bottom of the vault. The water, after acting on the 
wheels, collects itself into a single channel, and passing 
through a subterraneous outlet, cut, for the purpose, in 
the rock, under the bed of the stream, discharges itself 
into the creek, below the falls. 

From such a situation many important advantages are 
derived. The mill can never be endangered by too great 
a pressure of water ; not even when the river is the high- 
est. The inlet and outlet of the floom, being formed in 
solid rock, is subject to no decay. The wheels are so 
situated as to be entirely secured, at all seasons, from frost. 
The next establishment (north of the preceding) is a 
large cotton manufactory, erected by Maj. David Page, 
who has politely furnished me with a description of it. 
It is constructed of grey and white limestone, or marble, 
and its walls are thick and very substantial. It is one hun- 
dred and fifty feet in length, thirty-seven wide, six stories 
high at one end, and three at the other. The present pro- 
prietor, Mr. Joseph Hough, informs me, that the building 
contains at this time (December, 1820,) eight hundred and 
forty spindles for cotton, fifteen power looms, (or looms, 
which are moved by water) with all the warping and dress- 
ing apparatus needful, together with two woollen carding 
machines. The spindles produce a sufficient quantity of 
yarn daily, for five hundred yards of sheeting. The whole 
expense of converting the yarn (taking it from the spin- 
dle) into cloth, is about four cents a yard. The looms are 
tended by females. The goods manufactured are exhibit- 
ed for sale in an apartment of the same building. 

On the opposite side of the river is another cotton man- 
ufactory, owned by Mr. John Warren, who communicat- 
ed the following facts. The building is of stone, fifty- 
eight feet in length, thirty-two 1 in width, and forty in 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 129 

height, containing six hundred spindles, with all other 
necessary apparatus. They yield yarn enough daily, for 
two hundred yards of sheeting. Adjoining this is another 
stone building, in which are eight power looms, weaving, 
on an average, one thousand yards of cloth a week. Un- 
der the same roof is a double fulling mill, or two stocks 
on one wheel, which, for twenty years past, has fulled 
twelve thousand yards of cloth annually : also a double 
carding machine, which cards from six to twelve thou- 
sand pounds of wool in a year. 

Proceeding down the creek, from the bridge, on the 
western side, after passing two saw mills, two grist 
mills, a clothier's works, and some other establishments 
of minor importance, you come to the marble manufacto- 
ry. The marble, in this village, which is now wrought, 
on a large scale, and extensively diffused over the country, 
was discovered by Dr. Ebenezer W. Judd, the present 
principal proprietor, as early as the year 1802. A small 
experiment in working it was made, he tells me, in 1805. 
A building on a very limited plan was erected, and ma- 
chinery for sawing the marble (the idea of which had its 
origin in the inventive mind of the proprietor) was then 
first put in operation. 

In 1806, a new and commodious building, two stories 
high, and destined to comprise sixty saws, to be moved 
by water, was erected. In 1808, this enlarged establish- 
ment went into operation, and has continued to the pre- 
sent day. 

The saws are made of soft iron, without teeth, and are 
similar, in form, to those which are used in sawing mar- 
ble by hand, in the large cities of Europe. The softer 
they are, the longer they last. This, to some, may ap- 
pear paradoxical. But the explanation given by the con- 
ductor is, to me, tolerably satisfactory. In the operation 
a hard siliceous sand is always employed — moistened by 
the dropping of waterfrom above — through which the saw, 
in its vertical motion, is constantly passing. Now, the 
softer the saw is, the more strongly the moistened sand 
adheres to it ; and this sand assists in wearing away the 
stone : whereas, if the saw were steel, or hardened iron, 

vol. ix. 18 



130 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

little or no sand would adhere to it ; the saw would come 
directly in contact with the marble, and wear away itself, 
nearly as fast as it wore the stone. A leaden saw, he re- 
marked, is found to divide a block of marble quicker than 
one made of iron. The saws are put in motion by a crank, 
which is turned by a water wheel. - i 

The marble has, till lately, been obtained chiefly from a 
quarry situated within a few feet of the mill. During 
three or four of the last years, much has been procured, at 
the time of low water, from the bottom of the creek, im- 
mediately above the falls. It is raised from its bed 
partly by means of wedges, but principally by blasting. 
The mode of blasting is somewhat singular. A hole is 
drilled, with a large bar, six or eight feet deep, and charg- 
ed with three or four pounds of powder. The explosive 
force is often truly astonishing. I am told, that one hun- 
dred and sixty tons of stone have, sometimes, been rais- 
ed at a single blast. 

The marble, after being sawn into slabs, is manufactur- 
ed into tomb stones, tomb tables, curriers' tables, jambs, 
mantle pieces, hearths, window and door caps and sills, 
side boards, tables, sinks, and various other kinds of fur- 
niture. These articles are transported to Montreal, Que- 
bec, Boston, New York, and even to Georgia. The ma- 
chinery has sawn, annually, from five to ten thousand 
feet, since the year 1808. This method of sawing by 
water creates a vast saving of manual labour. All the 
saws are tended by a single person, whose time is not half 
occupied in this employment. 

In the year 1814, the sales of marble 

amounted to 88,031,00 

1815, ........ 7,018,77 

1817, 6,496,29 

1819, 7,498,59 

The annual expense attending the estab- 
lishment is about 3,500,00 

Besides the extensive manufactories above described, 
there are many individuals engaged in the various me- 
chanic arts. I have collected information, which is believ- 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



131 



ed to be correct, respecting the number of their shops and 
establishments, within the limits of the village at the pre- 
sent period, (December, 1820) ; and they are as follows : 



3 Hatters' shops 


1 Painter's 


b Shoemakers' 


2 Coopers' 


2 Tailors' 


2 Tinmen's 


4 Milliners' 


2 Potteries 


3 Saddlers' 


2 Manufactories 


2 Goldsmiths' 


ash 


1 Clothier's works 


3 Tanneries 


7 Blacksmiths' 


2 Bakehouses 


1 Gunsmiths' 


2 Cabinetmakers' 


1 Glazier's 


9 Housejoiners' 


4 Wheelwright's 


4 Masons. 



of pot- 



Those, beyond the limits of the borough, but compre- 
hended within the boundaries of the town, are the follow- 
ing. 



2 Potteries 


1 Tailor's 


1 Clothier's works 


3 Saw mills 


1 Wheelwright's shop 


2 Masons 


2 Blacksmiths' 


5 Housejoiners' 


2 Shoemakers' 


1 Cabinetmaker's. 



About three quarters of a mile, down the creek, from 
the bridge, and a few rods beyond the north line of the 
town, but owned, in part, by gentlemen belonging to the 
village, are an oil mill, a paper mill, a saw mill and a 
clothier's works. 

Face of the Country. 
Except in the north-easterly part, which extends to the 
Green Mountain, Middlebury cannot be regarded as a 
mountainous, or hilly township ; nor is it, like some dis- 
tricts of New England, a wide-spread, monotonous, unin- 
viting plain. Tile surface is gently undulating ; but no- 
where swells into lofty and rugged elevations, nor sinks 
into deep and gloomy glens.* Separate from the Green 
Mountain, Chipman's Hill is the highest land in the 



132 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

town. Its elevation (by the barometer) above the level 
of the water in Otter Creek, below the falls, is four hun- 
dred and thirty-nine feet. 

Minerals. 
The uppermost stratum of this hill consists of vegeta- 
ble mould, and a very coarse sand, partly siliceous, and 
partly calcareous. This sand is, doubtless, the result of 
the disintegration of rocks, with which the surface was 
anciently composed. It contains a multitude of frag- 
ments, whose rough edges are removed by the attrition of 
water, or by decomposition, so that they resemble the 
rounded pebbles, which occur at the bottom of rivulets. 
Some of them are milky quartz, and nearly transparent. 
Not far from the summit of this hill, as well as in several 
other places in the vicinity, I have met with an aggregate 
of mica and feldspar. 

Schorl. 
This mineral is rare in Middlebury. It is sometimes 
found connected with grey limestone. I have in my 
possession a large specimen of black schorl, imperfectly 
crystalized, imbedded in sky-coloured marble. It was 
dug from the cellar of the new collegiate building. 

Garnet. 
On the eastern side of the creek, back of the academy, 
may be seen garnets, sparingly diffused on the surface of 
the calcareous rocks, Their size is very minute, often 
not exceeding that of a pin's head. The form of the 
crystals is dodecaedral. Their colour is reddish brown. 

Hornblende 
is not uncommon. It seldom occurs alone ; but gene- 
rally mixed, in a greater or less proportion, with feldspar, 
and may then be called sienite. It all appears to be out 
of place. 

p Common Jasper, 
of a dark brown colour, in solitary masses, is found in 
various parts of the town. A few years since, a mass 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 133 



■ 



weighing more than a ton, was taken out of the alluvial 
land in my garden. Its shape was globular, and evident- 
ly made so by the friction of water. 

Alumine, or Clay. 

The clay, which is employed here in the manufacture 
of bricks, is far from being pure. Almost universally, it 
contains a considerable proportion of carbonate of lime, 
in sand, or in small masses, commonly not larger than 
pigeons' eggs. The bricks, when burnt, are handsome, 
and wear the appearance of being very substantial and 
durable. But this appearance is deceptive : for when al- 
lowed to become penetrated with moisture, these mor- 
ceaux of limestone, which they imbosom, whose carbonic 
acid has been expelled by the heat of the kiln, and they, 
consequently, converted to lime, slack, and, by their en- 
largement, cause the bricks to crack and crumble to 
pieces. 

A number of gentlemen, in this village, who have 
erected brick buildings, have not been careful to expose 
their bricks a sufficient length of time to the action of 
the elements before they were used. Hence several 
buildings, even in the infancy of their, years, exhibit, by 
their exfoliations, indications of premature old age. 

Bricks, which are of a suspicious character, should 
never be laid in a wall, especially where moisture can 
have free access to them, till they have been exposed to 
the weather during a long storm of rain ; or plunged in 
a vessel of water, and suffered to continue there, till they 
shall have become completely saturated with the liquid. 
Those, which remain a few days unimpaired, after the ap- 
plication of either of these tests, may, with perfect safety, 
be employed in the walls of any part of the building. 

No ores of much importance have been found in Mid- 
dlebury. There is, on the Green Mountain, near the line 
which divides this town from Salisbury, a bed of 






Sulphur et of Iron, 
connected with carbonate of lime. It was discovered in 
laying out the town, by the influence which it exerted on 



134 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

the surveyor's needle. He* has informed me that, for 
about one hundred and fifty rods, he could not make the 
needle of his compass traverse, and was therefore obliged to 
run the line by erecting stakes. The ore belongs to that 
variety denominated magnetic pyrites. The quantity has 
not been ascertained. I have examined the locality ; but 
the land, being still overspread by trees, logs and shrubs, 
afforded me no opportunity, except at one place, to see 
the mineral ; yet, as it influenced the magnet at points 
considerably distant from each other, the quantity of ore 
must be extensive. Its colour is a bronze yellow, with 
stripes of brown. Before the blowpipe, it exhales a 
strong odour of sulphur. The same effect may be pro- 
duced by dropping a little of its powder on a live coal, 
or on a heated fire shovel. It is very frangible. It con- 
tains common sulphuret of iron. I have a number of 
beautiful cubes and dodecaedrons obtained here. 

Iron is never made from this kind of ore. It may, 
however, be employed for a Valuable purpose. By expo- 
sure to the air, or to moisture, it readily decomposes. It 
may, therefore, easily be converted into sulphate of iron, 
or copperas. May we not look forward to the period * 
when some enterprising person will here erect an estab- 
lishment for the manufacture of this useful article ? 

Magnetic Oxide of Iron. 
This species of iron ore has been met within several 
places, but not in any considerable quantity. It has been 
seen in no other form but that of regular octaedric crys- 
tals. It occurs here imbedded in limestone, in argillite, 
and in a fine grained chlorite. The crystals are small, 
but very perfect : have a metallic lustre, and act powers 
fully on the magnet. 

Limestone, 
which may, with a comparatively moderate heat, be 
changed into lime, exists in almost every quarter of the 
town. 1 The greatest deficiency is near the" north- eastern 

* The Honourable Gamaliel Painter. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 135 

extremity, which lies on the mountain. The rocks there 
are chiefly quartzeous : usually of a light brown colour, 
and excessively hard. I have seen one — a beautiful milk- 
white quartz, transparent at the edges — which would 
weigh twenty-five or thirty tons. The quantity of lime 
made in the town, is amply sufficient to satisfy the de- 
mand of its inhabitants for this article. 

Marble, 
of the finest texture, and susceptible of a high polish, is 
found here in inexhaustible abundance. The soil indeed 
of the whole township appears to rest on a vast basis of 
marble. In more than a hundred places does the marble 
make its appearance above the surface. It is arranged in 
strata, somewhat irregular, and of different thicknesses, 
but all inclining more or less to the plain of the horizon. 
It is of various colours, from a pure white to a deep 
grey, verging to a black. 

Most of the marble in this region I have, till within a 
moderate period, supposed was unquestionably primitive, 
because I could discover no vegetable or animal remains 
or impressions in it. But recently I have Been told, by 
one of Dr. Judd's workmen, that he had assisted in re- 
moving a block of marble from the bed of the creek, in 
which shells were visible. If this be a fact, (the person 
may possibly have been deceived ; and I have not learn- 
ed, that the shells attracted the attention of any other in- 
dividual) it plainly demonstrates, that the rock could not 
have been formed, when, according to Moses, "the hea- 
vens and the earth were finished," but at some posterior 
epoch, after the animal kingdom had been called into be- 
ing, and a portion of it had perished. Had I witnessed 
the animal exuviae, imbedded in our marble, I should, 
without hesitation, have ranked it in the class of transition, 
or metalliferous limestone. But I must be allowed still 
to cherish the opinion, that it belongs to the primitive for- 
mation. I may hereafter find cause to change it, but 
cannot at present. 

The marble reposes on argillite, with which it some- 
times alternates ; as in a pasture a few rods north of the 



136 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT, 

new college, and on the west bank of the creek, a little 
below the marble manufactory.* The argillite is in lam- 
inae, but is not easily divisible into plates sufficiently thin 
to be used as roof-slate. The structure of the marble is 
granular, but the concretions are commonly very minute. 
Its texture is compact. It will not sustain uninjured, the 
action of an intense heat. It is, therefore, not suitable 
for the jambs and backs of chimnies. The marble em- 
ployed for these purposes, is brought down the creek on 
rafts, from Pittsford, and wrought, and sold, at the Mid- 
dlebury marble manufactory. 

The Pittsford marble is of different colours, but prin- 
cipally grey and white. It is all somewhat flexible. Dr. 
Judd furnished me with a slab of it, four and a half feet 
long, half an inch thick, and six inches wide. I placed 
its extremities on two chairs, and put a straight board on 
it, from one end to the other, and the slab bent, by its 
own weight, one and two tenths of an inch. I then 
moistened it with cold water, and it became more flexi- 
ble, so that its distance, in the middle, from the incum- 
bent board was one and six tenths of an inch. By en- 
deavouring to depress it still lower, by placing my hand 
on it, the slab broke and was destroyed. 

A white marble has been quarried and wrought, on a 
small scale, in the north part of Middlebury. It has re- 
ceived the name of the Kirby marble. When polished, 
it strongly resembles the statuary marble of Italy. I 
have, in my mineralogical cabinet, specimens, obtained 
both from this, and from Dr. Judd's quarry, which, in 
point of translucency, delicacy of texture, and general 
beauty, are not surpassed by any Carrara, or Parian mar- 
ble, which has ever fallen under my observation. 

Serpentine 
has been found, in small masses, at a little distance from 
the new college building. Its colour is a light green, 
and at the edges it is very translucent. 

* If the limestone be primitive, the argillite must be so too, and I have 
seen nothing to convince me, that this is not the case. 



ACCOUNT OF SfciiDDLEBURY, VT. 137 

Water. 
The minerals impart to the water in this village a pro- 
perty, which causes it to be denominated hard ivatev, or 
renders it incapable of readily dissolving soap. It is im- 
pregnated with various earthy substances, but, chiefly, 
with carbonate and muriate of lime. It may be separat- 
ed from its foreign ingredients, or, at least, be rendered 
far less contaminated, by means of common pot-ash, or 
pearl-ash. If you wish to clarify a hogshead of this water, 
or make it soft, and fit for washing, it may be effected, as 
experiment has repeatedly taught me, by infusing into it 
three or four quarts of good ashes, and stirring it with a 
stick, or, what is better, by procuring a lie from the ash- 
es, and then pouring in a quantity of it, sufficient to ren- 
der the water an easy solvent of soap. 

Mineral Spring. 
About a mile and a half east from the meeting house, 
on land belonging to the Hon. Daniel Chipman, there 
is a mineral spring, whose water is slightly chalybeate. 
It has been used, with beneficial effect, by persons, afflict- 
ed with cutaneous complaints. Taken internally it in- 
creases the appetite and, of course, gives a better relish 
for food. It never freezes. 

Fertility of the Soil. 

A large proportion of the township consists of land, 
which is arable, arid very fertile, yielding to the indus- 
trious agriculturist plentiful crops of grain and grass. 
This part of the country may, perhaps, be considered ra- 
ther more favourable to the production of the former, than 
the latter, of these articles. x\nd yet, it affords fine pastu- 
rage, and rich meadows ; and large droves of fat cattle are 
collected here, every autumn, for tlie Boston or Mon- 
treal market. 

Several farmers have assured me, that certain tracts of 
their land have, irk auspicious seasons, given them forty 
bushels of wheat to the acre. This, to some, may ap- 
pear incredible, but I have no reason to call in question 
the correctness of the assertion. The character of my 

VOL. ix. 19 



138 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

informants is such as to preclude the possibility, at least, 
of intentional errour. The wheat, which is not needed 
for the sustenance of the inhabitants, is transported, 
principally, to Troy, in the state of New York. The 
price of this article, here, in ordinary times, fluctuates 
between $1,50 and 2,00 a bushel. At this time (De- 
cember, 1820,) the best of wheat may be bought for $1,00; 
and I have heard of instances, in which it has been procur- 
ed for half this sum. An acre, it is said, will common- 
ly yield a greater number of bushels of wheat than it will 
of rye. 

Oats, barley, buck-wheat, peas, beans and potatoes are 
cultivated with success. The soil does not appear to be 
so well adapted to maize, or Indian corn, as that, which 
lies on Connecticut River. An individual, in this vicinity, 
however, has raised eighty bushels of corn on an acre. 

Fruit Trees. 

The peach tree is rarely to be seen in this part of the 
country. The stone germinates ; the plant springs up 
and grows luxuriantly during one or two, and, sometimes, 
three or four years, and then perishes. The tree is sup- 
posed to be too tender to endure the severity of our win- 
ters. The few peaches, which are brought into the vil- 
lage for sale, from the neighbouring towns, are vastly infe- 
riour in point of size, beauty and deliciousness, to those 
produced in the southern and middle states. 

Attempts have been made to naturalize the quince tree, 
but they have all proved ineffectual. The soil, or climate 
is manifestly unfriendly to it. I have never seen one 
growing in the town. 

This region is particularly favourable to the growth of 
the apple tree. When the town was first settled by white 
people, its inhabitants devoted scarcely any attention to the 
rearing of orchards. Some, without making a trial, im- 
bibed the notion, that the land was ill adapted to the pro- 
duction of this species of fruit. Others were deterred 
from planting orchards, by the narrow consideration, that 
they should not live to enjoy the good of their labour ; 
forgetful of the old, but no less important maxim, " that 






ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 139 

a man ought, to live, as if he were to live here forever, 
and yet, as if he were to die to-morrow." 

Owing to the operation of some cause, I know not 
what, a complete revolution in opinion has been brought 
about. There is now scarcely a farm in the town, which 
does not contain an orchard. Considerable improvements 
have been effected, within a few years, in our apple or- 
chards, by ingrafting and inoculation. The best kinds 
of fruit are now raised, and in the highest perfection. 
The apples are larger, fairer, and better flavoured, than 
those, which grow in the older states. The pearmain, the 
seek-no-farther, the Rhode Island greening rank among 
our best apples. The usual price, in autumn, is between 
twenty-five and thirty-four cents a bushel, and that of ci- 
der from $1,50 to 2,00 a barrel. The last fall, owing to 
the uncommon scarcity of money, apples were, in a few 
instances, bought for seventeen cents a bushel, and cider 
for $1,00 a barrel. 

We have an extensive variety of plumbs and cherries. 
The e^g plumb, produced here, is of a large size, and 
delicious ; but the tree is very short lived. Nearly all, 
which ornamented our fruit yards a few years since, are 
now dead. 

The damson and three or four other sorts of plumb 
flourish here. Within a moderate period, however, a 
disease has fastened on many of the plumb trees, which 
has proved fatal to them. The first indication of it, which 
I have noticed, is the decav of some of the lower limbs. 
Others die, gradually, till the whole tree is finally destroyed. 

In the spring of 1818, I observed two of my best trees 
beginning to fail, and resolved to search for the cause. I 
dug away the earth, about a foot deep, around one of 
tli em, and found, that the body of the tree, just below 
the surface of the ground, was, on- one side, considerably 
swollen, and had become fungous. The wood, more than 
half round the stock, was dry, hard and spongy, With 
a sharp instrument, I separated the dead part of the wood 
from that, which was sound and healthy, and filled up the 
cavity, around the roots, with chip manure, over which 
was spread a coating, three or four inches thick, of rich 



140 ACCOCW? OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

earth. The tree is now alive ; was loaded with fruit the 
last season ; and does not appear at all defective. 

On the other tree, I made no experiment. The bran- 
ches, one after another, withered away, till the whole per- 
ished, and in the succeeding autumn, owing to the pro- 
gress, which the disease had made at the root, the tree 
was broken down by the force of the wind. The evil 
is, I imagine, attributable to the operation of a small 
worm, which insinuates itself between the bark and 
wood, and feeds, perhaps, on both. No worms were dis- 
covered, but there were holes in the bark and wood, which 
had the appearance of having been formed by them. By 
means of their work, the sap is prevented from circulating 
freely through the pores of that part of the tree ; the wood, 
consequently, becomes dry and defective, and the decay- 
ed part, gradually communicating its noxious qualities to 
the whole tree, effects its destruction. 

The pear is but little cultivated. Why is it, that the 
inhabitants make no more exertions to rear this admira- 
ble fruit ? Our climate, surely, is not unfavourable to its 
growth. Those who have made the trial, have succeed- 
ed beyond their highest expectations. One of our towns- 
men,* whose farm lies about two miles from the village, 
has two large trees, which grew from pear twigs, set 
twenty years ago, in stocks of the thorn apple. They 
bear plentifully, and the fruit sells for about $2,00 a 
bushel. 

Some of the most delicious pears, which I have ever 
tasted, were produced in Scotland, in latitude as high as 
55° 50'. I mention this circumstance to show, that the 
pear neither demands a long summer, nor the influence 
of a vertical sun. 

The tree should be reared, not from the seed, for it is 
of very slow growth, but from inoculation, or from in- 
grafting. On an apple stock, the pear scion will not, it 
is believed, become a fruitful, and durable tree. These 
two kinds of trees have but little affinity for each other. 
The pear slip will flourish tolerably well in the apple tree, 

* Capt. Samson. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 141 

for two or three years, but is then, for want of a stronger 
adhesion, liable to be broken off by the wind, or by its 
own weight. 

The thorn apple adopts, without reluctance, the pear 
scion, and nourishes it as its own child. The stock, 
when somewhat less than an inch in diameter, should be 
sawn off just below the surface of the ground, so that 
the new tree may not be altogether dependent on the 
thorn for its support, but may itself take root in the soil. 
The scions, whether pear or apple, should be taken from 
young and thrifty trees. If they are cut from aged, de- 
caying ones, they will not, Sir Humphrey Davy assures 
us, long survive the trees from which they were derived. 

As his observations, on this subject, are peculiarly in- 
teresting, and may not have been perused by all my read- 
ers, I shall take the liberty to transcribe tw T o or three par- 
agraphs from his Agricultural Chemistry. He is speak- 
ing of the causes of decay in trees : 

" The decay of the heart- wood," says he, " seems to 
constitute the great limit to the age and size of trees. 
And in young branches from old trees, it is much more 
liable to decompose, than in similar branches from seed- 
lings. This is likewise the case with grafts. The graft 
i§ only nourished by the sap of the tree to which it is 
transferred ; its properties are not changed by it ; the 
leaves, blossoms, and fruit are of the same kind, as if it 
had vegetated upon its parent stock. The only advan- 
tage to be gained in this way, is the affording to the graft 
from an old tree a more plentiful and healthy food, than 
it could have procured in its natural state ; it is rendered, 
for a time, more vigorous, and produces fairer blossoms 
and richer fruits. But it partakes, not merely of the ob- 
vious properties, but likewise of the infirmities and dispo- 
sitions to old age and decay of the tree whence it sprung" 

" This seems to be distinctly shown by the observations 
and experiments of Mr. Knight. He has, in a number 
of instances, transferred the young scions and healthy shoots 
from old esteemed fruit-bearing trees to young seedlings. 
They flourished for two or three years ; but they soon 
became diseased and sickly, like their parent trees." 



142 ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 

This curious fact — that grafts taken from old trees will 
be short lived — has been amply demonstrated by experi- 
ments made in our own country. I shall mention but 
one instance. The Hon. Gamaliel Painter (whom I have 
before mentioned) obtained, at three different times, a num- 
ber of scions from a venerable and favourite pear tree, 
above one hundred years old, in Salisbury in Connecticut. 
He set them all, with great care, in stocks of the thorn 
apple tree ; but was unable to make any of them live 
more than two or three years. The one, which survived 
the longest, he at length noticed, was beginning to perish 
at the top. This part he cut off, with his penknife, and 
found the graft hollow ; and the farther he cut down, the 
more its heart-wood was decayed. The next season it 
died. 

I have heard it asserted, that the pear scion would ve- 
getate, and become fruitful, if set in a small stock of the 
elm tree. Whether there be any truth in this assertion, 
I know not. The experiment might easily be made. 

The Grape, 
which has been cultivated in all ages of the world, the 
grape, so frequently mentioned in the scriptures, as well 
as in profane authors, and the largeness of whose cluster, 
cut at " the brook of Eshcol," afforded the offspring of 
Jacob no unconvincing testimony of the richness of " the 
land of promise ;" — does not, generally, flourish in Mid- 
dlebury. The vine grows luxuriantly, but is, almost al- 
ways, unfruitful. Its barrenness may be attributable to our 
ignorance of the proper mode of managingit. The pruning 
knife, I apprehend, is employed much too sparingly ; the 
foliage is suffered to become too thick ; it forms a cover- 
ing to the fruit nearly impervious to the rays of the sun. 
But the young and tender grapes should at all times have 
a free and fair exposure to the influence of the sun. This 
is indispensable in order to their being early brought to a 
state of maturity. 

Severe cutting, we are informed, by experienced gar- 
deners, does not impair, but benefit the vine. If manag- 



vt. 143 

ed here, as it is in some parts of Europe, the vine, per- 
haps, might succeed. 

It is there propagated, usually, by cuttings. The piece 
intended to be planted is taken, most of it, from the last 
year's growth, cutting the stock, however, a little below 
where it sprouted, the last season, from the old vine ; so 
as to retain on the cutting a small quantity of the two 
years old wood. It should be about a foot long, and all 
its branches lopped off. Sometime in the early part of 
May, it should be placed in the ground, in an erect pos- 
ture, or but little inclined, the larger end downward, so 
deep as to have the upper eye level with the surface, over 
which eye a small quantity of light earth should be spread, 
to prevent it from becoming too dry to sprout. The cut- 
tings should be planted, one in each hill, the hills being 
about five feet apart, so that they may conveniently be ho- 
ed, in the same manner, that we hoe corn, or beans. On- 
ly one sprout should be allowed to grow, the rest being 
rubbed off with the hand, or cut away with a knife. This, 
when it rises sufficiently high, should be tied to a strong 
stake or pole, similar to a bean pole, driven into the earth, 
and rising above it five or six feet. The knife ought ne- 
ver to permit the vine to overtop the pole. 

The soil should be light and rich. That the root may 
acquire strength, the vine should be very thoroughly prun- 
ed for two or three years. The pruning should be per- 
formed, both in the autumn and spring, as well as, occa- 
sionally, during the summer. The best time for effecting 
it, in the fall, is immediately after the leaves have fallen. 

The grapes are always borne by shoots of the present 
year's growth, springing from the wood, which was pro- 
duced the preceding year. Care should, therefore, be 
taken in pruning to preserve the most vigorous and hand- 
some shoots of the present vear ; for these will be most 
likely to yield strong and healthy branches, to sustain and 
nourish the grapes the ensuing season. Cuttings com- 
monly bear fruit the third year after planting. 

There can be little doubt, I imagine, that the large 
purple grape, which grows spontaneously in many parts of 
New England, and possesses an excellent flavour, and, 



144 



VT. 



perhaps, the Madeira grape also, might, with proper cul- 
ture, be made to flourish here, and become fruitful. Pos- 
sibly the vine might require covering in the winter ; but 
this could be done, with very little labour, by bending it 
down to the ground, throwing a small quantity of straw 
over it, and on this placing a few shovelsfull of earth. 
I am now endeavouring to raise grapes in the above des- 
cribed manner. The cuttings were planted two years 
ago. The last spring they were covered with blossoms, 
but bore no fruit. The next season, I shall probably 
have a crop of grapes. 

Strawberries, Gooseberries, vftf. 
The white and red strawberry, the gooseberry, the red 
and black raspberry, the red and white currant are founds 
in great perfection, in some of our gardens.* 

Currants. 
Currants are here manufactured into wine. Many fam- 
ilies make, at least, one small cask, annually, for their 
own consumption, and prefer it to wine made from grapes. 

Gardening. # 

There is but little attention here given to the delightful 
art of horticulture. The inhabitants devote their time, 
principally, to objects, which are more lucrative, and, 
perhaps, in their estimation, more honourable. But they 
ought not to forget, that one of the greatest sovereigns 
of Rome, voluntarily, abandoned the imperial purple to 
become a practical gardener. To cultivate a small tract 

* Strawberry vines should be set in beds. This mode is vastly preferable to 
that of cultivating them in hills. The labour is less, the vine more produc- 
tive, and the fruit far cleanlier. They should be set, one in a place, ten/for 
twelve inches asunder, sometime in the last of the month of April, or near 
the commencement of May, and kept free from weeds. The bed should be 
thoroughly dug, and made rich by manure. The shoots, or runners, which 
will be very numerous, ought, during the first summer, to be frequently cut 
off, with a hoe, or with a pair of scissors. The second season, the vines may 
be allowed to cover the whole of the ground, and, afterward, will need no 
further weeding. They will continue to bear four or five years. In order to 
be certain of having this luxury, every summer, it will be proper to have a 
new bed set, once in two or three years. The field strawberry, by being 
cultivated in a garden, is greatly improved, both in size and flavour. 



ACCOUNT OP MIDDLEBURY, VT. 145 

of land was, in his view, and in that of his eulogist, a high 
honour. 

* Methinks I see great Dioclesian walk 
In the Salonian garden's noble shade, 
Which by his own imperial hands was made : 
I see him smile, methinks, as he does talk 
With the ambassador, who came in vain 
T" intice him to a throne again." 

No employment is a better preservative, or restorative, 
of health. Nothing can be more salubrious than the 
odour emanating from the newly dug ground, and from 
the blossoms of garden shrubbery. To a professional 
man : to one, whose occupation compels him to a seden- 
tary life, and who is perpetually inhaling the noxious 
air of a confined study, what a treat is it, to go into the 
open air and labour an hour in his garden ! It produces 
innumerable happy effects ; it expels melancholy : it 
cheers the jaded spirits ; it arouses and invigorates the 
deadened energies of the soul. 

" Often amused with feats of gardening, 

Delightful exercise, I work and sing ! 

And moving cheerful feel not half my toil, 

Like swains that whistle, while .they plough the soil. 

Should any disbelieve, I here invite 

Such infidels to come, and trust their sight." 

There are, in Middlebury, no splendid gardens, adorn- 
ed with efegant parterres, and spreading wall trees, and 
winding alleys, and gravelled walks, and artificial lakes ; 
but there are many valuable kitchen gardens, in which 
may be found all the common esculent vegetables. 

Carrots are grown, by some individuals, in large quan- 
tities for the purpose of being given to cattle, and especi- 
ally to milch cows. They afford a very nutritious species 
^6T food, and cause them to yield milk more plenteously 
and richer. It is believed that cows, in this way, may be 
supported through the winter at considerably less expense 
(giving them, occasionally, a little hay) than they can, 
when supplied wholly with barn fodder. 

The watermelon does not attain a high degree of per- 
fection in our gardens. The fruit is puny in its size, and 

VOL. ix. 20 



146 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDUSBURY, VT. 



not rich in its flavour. This is owing, I imagine, to the 
soil, which, in most parts of the town, is clayey. Excel- 
lent watermelons are produced at Burlington, and at 
Windsor, where the s,oil is lighter and more sandy. 

Catalogue of Plants. 
The following catalogue of plants, which are indigenous 
in the township of Middlebury, was prepared for me by 
Dr- Edwin James, a young gentleman, -formerly of this 
place, who has, during a considerable period, assiduously 
applied himself to the study of botany, and who will, ere- 
long, attain to distinguished eminence in this interesting 
branch of natural history. 



■: k 



Botanical Names. 
Acalypha virginica, (Willdenow.) 
Acer rubrum, 

saccharinum, 
striatum, (Michaux.) 
spicatum, (Lamar k.) 
Achillea millefolium, (Smith.) 
Acorus calamus, (Wittd.) 
Actaea rubra, (Bigelow.) 

alba, 
Adiantum pedatum, (Wittd.) 
Agrimonia eupatoria, 
Agrostemma githago, 
Agrostis vulgaris, (Smith.) 
alba, (Wittd.) 
tenuiflora, 
Aira flexuosa, 

Alisma plantago, (Michaux.) 
Allium tricoccum, (Wittd.) 
Alnus serrulata, 
Alsine media, 
Amaranthus oleraceus, 
Ambrosia elatior, [chaux.) 
Ampelopsis quinquefolia, (Mi- 
Anemone virginiana, (Wittd.) 

aconitifolia, (Michaux.) 
nemorosa, 
Angelica triquinata, 
Anthemis cotula, (L.) 
Anthoxanthum odoratum, 
Apocynum androsaemifolium, 

(mm.) 



Vulgar Names. 
Three-seed mercury. 
Red maple ; soft maple. 
Sugar maple. 
Striped maple. 
Mountain maple. 
Yarrow. 
Sweet flag. 
Baneberry. 
Necklace-weed. 
Maiden-hair. 
Agrimony. 
Cockle. 
Red-top. 
White-top. 



Hair grass. 

Water plantain, mad-dog-weed, 

Wild leek. 

Alder. 

Succulent chick-weed. 

Pot amaranth. 

Hog- weed. 

False grape. 

Wind-flower. 



Low anemone. 

Angelica. 

May-weed. 

Sweet vernal grass. 

Dog-bane. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEtfURY, VT. 



147 



Botanical Names. 

Apocynum connabinum, 
Aquilegia canadensis, 
Aralia hispida, 

racemosa, 
nudicaulis, 
Arenaria stricta, 
Arctium lappa, 
Aronia botryapium, (Persoon.) 

melanocarpa, 
Artemisia vulgaris, (Wittd.) 
Arum triphyllum, 
Asarum canadense, 
Asclepias syriaca, (L.) 

debilis, (Michaux.) 
incarnata, 
quadrifolia, 
Aspidium acrostichoides, ( IVilld.) 

marginale, 
Asplenium rhizophyllum, 
angustifolium, 
ebeneum, 
Aster foliosus, 

novae angliae, 
cordifolius, 
corymbosus, 
puniceus, 
Azalea viscosa, {Pursh.) 
nudiflora, 

Betula populifolia, (Willd.) 

excelsa, 

papyracea, 

lenta, 
Bidens cernua, 

frondosa, 

connata, 
Botrychium fumaroides ? 
virginicum, 
gracile, 
Bromus secalinus, 

ciliatus, 

Calla palustris, 
Callitriche verna, 

intermedia, 
Caltha palustris, 
Campanula rotundifolia, 
erinoides, 



Vulgar Names. 

Indian hemp. 

Wild columbine. 

Woody-stemmed sarsaparilla. 

Spikenard. 

Sarsaparilla. 



Burdock. 
Shad-bush. 
Black chokeberry. 
Mug-wort. 
Indian turnip. 
Wild ginger. 
Common milk-weed. 
Slender milk- weed. 
Swamp milk-weed. 



Walking leaf. 
Spleen-wort. 
Ebony spleen- wort. 
Star-flower. 



White honey-suckle. 
Early honey-suckle. 

Poplar birch. 
Tall birch. 
Canoe birch. 
Spicy birch. 
Water- beggar-ticks . 
Burr-mary-gold. 



Chess. 



Water arum. 
Water star-wort. 



American cowslip. 

Hair-bell. 

Prickly bell-flower. 



148 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



m 



Botanical Names. 
Campanula perfoliata, 
Cannabis sativa, 
Cardamine pennsylvanica, 
Carex retroflexa, 

stipata, 

festucacea, 

caespitosa, 

crinita, 

vestita, 

tentaculata, 

lupulina, 

folliculata, 

plantaginea, 
Carpinus americana, [chauv.) 
Caulophyllum thalictroides, (Mi- 
Ceanothus americanus, (Willd.) 
Celastrus scandens, 
Cerastium vulgatum, (Smith.) 
Chaerophyllum claytoni, (Pers) 
Chelidonium majus, 
Chelone glabra, ( Willdenow.) 
Chenopodium album, (Smith.) 

botrys, 
Chimaphila maculala, 

corymbosa, 
Chrysanthemum leucanthemum, 
Chrysosplenium oppositifolium, 

(Willd.) 
Cicula maculata, 

bulbifera, 
Circaea lutetiana, ( Vahl.) 

alpina, 
Claytonia virginica, (Pursh,) 
Clematis virginica, (Willd.) 
Cnicus lanceolatus, 

altissimus, 

arvensis, (Pursh.) 
Collinsonia canadensis, (Willd.) 
Comptonia asplenifolia, 
Convallaria canaliculata, 
multiflora, 
racemosa, (Pursh.) 
bifolia, (Michaux.) 
Coptis trifolia, (Pursh.) 
Cornus canadensis, 

sanguinea, 

alba, 

sericea, 



Vulgar Names. 
Clasping bell-flower. 
Hemp. 
Water cress. 
Sedge grass. 



Blue beech. 

Blue cohosh. 

New Jersey tea. 

Staff-tree. 

Mouse-ear chick-weed. 

Poison cicily; 

Celandine. -," 

Snake-head. 

Pig -weed. 

Oak-of-Jerusalem. 

Spotted wintergreen. 

Bitter wintergreen. 

Ox-eyed daisy. 

Water carpet. 

Musquash-root. 



Enchanter's night-shade. 
Dwarf night-shade. 
Spring beauty. 
Virgin's bower. 
Common thistle. 
Tall thistle. 
Canada thistle. 
Horse balm. 
Sweet fern. 

Clasping solomon-seal* * 
Giant solomon-seal. 
Spiked solomon-seal. 
Dwarf solomon-seal. 
Goldthread. 
Low cornel. 
Red osier. 
White dog-wood. 
Blue-berried dog-wood. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



149 



Botanical Names. 
Corn us paniculata, 
Corydalis cuccullaria, (Pers.) 
glauca, 
fungosa, 
Corylus americana, )Willd.) 

rostrata, 
Crataegus coccinea, 
pyrifolia, 
flava, 
crus-galli, 
Cuscuta americana, 
Cymbidium hyemale,* 

corallorhizum, 
odontorhizum, 
pulchellum, 
Cynoglossum officinale, 
Cyperus poaeformis, (Pursh.) 
uncinatus, 
flavescens, (Wittd.) 
I Cypripedium pubescens, 
humile, 

Dalibarda fragarioides, (Mickaux.) 

violaoides, 
Datura stramonium, (X,.) 
Dentaria diphylla, ( WilK) 
Diervilla humilis, (Pers.) 
Digitaria sanguinalis,_ (WWd.) 
Dirca palustris, 
Dracaena borealis, 
Dulichiuni spathaceum, (Pers.) 

EJodea campanulata, (Pursh.) 
Elymus striajus, ( Wittd.) 

hystri'z, 
Epigaea repens, 
-Fpilobium spicatum, 
lineare, 
palust/e, 
, tetragonum K 

•^quisetum arvense, 
hyemale, 
syJvaticum,, 



Vulgar Names. 
Panicled dog-wood. 
Yellow breeches. 
Colic-weed. 
Climbing colic-weed. 
Swamp hazlenut. 
Beaked hazlenut. 
Thorn-bush. 
Pear-leaf thorn. 
Yellow-berried thorn. 
Thorn tree. 
Dodder. 
Adam and eve. 
Coral-root. 
Toothed coral. 
Grass-pink. 
Hound-tongue. 
Bog grass. 



Yellow grass. 
Yellow ladies* slipper; 
Low ladies' slipper. 

Spice-root, dry strawberry. 
False violet. 

Jhorn-apple, (introduced.) 
Tooth-root; trickle. 
Bush honey-suckle. 
Finger gra,ss. 
American mezereon* 
Dragoness plant. 
Galingale. 

Swamp JohnVworfco, 
Wild rye. 
Hedge^hog grass*- 
Trailing arbutus.. 
Great willow herb. 



"Horse-tail 
Scouring rush. 



^hlhSttpuW 6 / mm > ^ has at length corrected the errour, 



150 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



Botanical Names. 
Erigeron canadense, 
strigosum, 
heterophyllum, 
philadelphicum, 
bellidifolium, 
Eriophorum angustifolium, 
Erysimum officinale, 
barbarea, 
Erythronium lanceolatum, (Pursli. 
Eupatorium purpureum, (Willd.) 
verticillatum, 
perfoliatum, 
ageratoides, 
Fagus ferruginea, 
Festuca elatior, 
Fluvialis fragilis? 
Fragaria virginiana, 
Fraxinus acuminata, 
pubescenes, 
sambucifolia, 

Galeopsis tetrahit, 
Galium trifidum, 

tinctorium, 
asprellum, 
triflorum, 
Gaultheria procumbens, 

serphyllifolia, (Pursh. 
Gentiana saponaria, ( Willd.) 
Geranium maculatum, 
robertianum, 
Geum virginianum, 
strictum, 
,'rivale, 
Glechoma hederacea, 
Glycine comosa, 

apios, 
Gnaphalium margaritaceum, 
polycephalum, 
plantagineum, 
uliginosum,- 
Gratiola officinalis, 

Hamamelis virginica, 
Hedeoma pulegioides, 
Hedysarum glutinosum, 
viridiflorum, 



Vulgar Names. 
Pride-weed. 



Cotton grass. 
Hedge mustard. 
Water radish. 
)Adder's tongue. 
Joe pye. 
Canker-root. 
Boneset ; thorough-wort. 



Beech. 

Fescue grass. 
River nymph. 
Wild strawberry. 
White ash. 
Black ash. 
Water ash. 

Flowering nettle. 
Bed straw. 
Dyer's cleavers. 
Rough bed straw. 



) Spicy wintergreen 
Creeping wintergreen. 
Soap-wort gentian. 
Crowfoot geranium. 
Herb robert. 
Avens. 

Upright avens. 
Purple avens. 
Ground ivy. 
Slender wild bean. 
Groundnut. 
Everlasting. 

Sweet-scented everlasting. 
Early everlasting, t I 
Mud everlasting. 
Hedge hyssop. 

Witch hazle. 
Penny-royal. 
Bush trefoil. 



-■■•> 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



151 



Botanical Names. 
Hedysarum acuminatum, 
Helianthus trachelifolius, 
divaricatus, 
decapetalus, 
tuberosus, 
Hepatica triloba, (Pursh.) 
Heracleum lanatum, 
Hieracium venosum, 
gronovii, 
paniculatum, 
fasciculatum, (Pursh.) 
scabrum, (Michaux.) 
marianum, (Willd,) 
Houstonia coerulea, 
Humulus lupulus, 
Hydrocotyle americana, 
Hyoseris amplexicaulis, (Michaux. 
Hypericum canadense, (Willd.) 
perforatum, 
eorymbosum, 
parviflorum, 
Hyssopus nepetoides, {Pursh.) 



Vulgar Names. 
Bush trefoil. 
Rough sunflower. 
Small sunflower. 



Artichoke, (introduced.) 

Liver-leaf. 

Cow parsley. 

Vein-leaf; hawk-weed. 

Small hawk-weed. 

Panicled hawk-weed. 

Great-toothed hawk- weed. 

Rough hawk-weed. 

(a variety of H. gronovii ?) 

Venus' pride. 

Hop. 

Water navel-wort. 



Square-stemm'd St. John'F-wort. 
Common St. John's-wort. 
Tall St. JohnVwort. 
Small St. John's-wort; 
Giant hyssop. 



Illex canadensis, ( Willd.) 
Impatiens nolitangere, 

biflora, 
Inula helenium, 
Iris virginica, 



Mountain-holly. 

Touch-me-not. 

Jewel-weed. 

Elecampane. 

Blue flag ; wild iris. 



Juglans cinerea, 

squamosa, 

porcina, 
Juncus effusus, (Smith.) 

setaceus, (Pursh.) 

nodosus, 

tenuis, 

campestris, 
Juniperus virginiana, (Willd.) 
prostrata, 






Butternut. 
Shagbark walnut. 
Pignut. 
Rush grass. 



communis, 



Red cedar. 
American savin, 
Juniper. 



Kalmia angustifolia, 



Sheep poison. 



Lactuca elongata, 

Lapathum acetosellum, (Pers.) 

Lechea major, (Willd.) 

minor, 
Leersia oryzoides, (Pursh.) 



Wild lettuce. 
Field sorrel. 
Pin- weed. 



Cut grass. 



152 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



Botanical Names. 
Lemna polyrhiza, 
Leontodon taraxacum, 
Leonurus cardiaca, 
Leptanthus graminea, (Michaux.) 
Lilium canadense, ( Willd.) 
Lindernia dilatata, (Muhlenberg.) 
Linnaea borealis, (Gronovius.) 
Lobelia cardinalis, (Willd.) 
inflata, 
pallida, 
Lonicera parviflora, (Caprifolium. 
parviflorum, Pursh.) 
hirsuta, 
Lycopodium clavatum, 
complanatum, 
dendroideum, 
lucidulum, 
Lycopus europaeus, (Michaux.) 

virginicus, , 
Lysimachia racemosa, 
ciliata, 
quadrifolia, (Willd.) 

Malaxis liliifolia, 

ophioglossoides, 
Malva rotund ifolia, 
Medeola virginica, 
Melilotus officinalis, 
Menispermum canadense, 
Mentha borealis, 

viridis, 
Mimulus ringens, 
Mitchella repens, (i.) 
Mitella diphylla, 

prostrata, 
Monarda oblongata, (Aiton.) 
Monotropa lanuginosa, (Michaux. 

uniflora, (Willd.) 
Muhlenberghia erecta, (Pers.) 
Myosotis lappula, 
Myrrhis dulcis, 

"Neottia cernua, ( Willd.) 

pubescens, 
Nepeta cataria, 
Nuphar advena, 

kalmiana, (Aiton.) 
Nymphaea odorata, ( Willd.) 



Vulgar Names. 

Water flax-seed. 
Dandelion. 
Mother-wort. 
Water star-grass* 
Meadow lily. 
Lindern. 
Twin-flower. 
Cardinal flower. 
Indian tobacco. 



Rough wood-vine. 
Club-moss. 
Ground pine. 
Tree-moss. 
Moon-fruit pine. 
Water horehound. 



Bulb bearing loose strife. 
Common loose strife. 
Whorled loose strife. 

Tway blade. , y 
Snake-mouth. ~ 
Low mallows. 
Indian cucumber. 
Melilot. 
Moon-seed. 
Meadow-mint. 
Spear-mint. 
Monkey flower. 
Partridgeberry. 
Currant leaf. 



High balm : (naturalized.) 
) Bird's nest. 
Beech drops. 
Wood grass. 



tresses. 



Sweet cicely. 

Ladies' tresses. 

Blood-vein ladies 

Catnep. 

Yellow pond lily. 

Little yellow pond lily. 

White pond lily. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



153 



Botanical Names. 
Oenothera biennis, 

chrysantha, 
Onoclea sensibilis, 

struthiopteris, 
Orchis ciliaris, 
lacera, 
spectabilis, 
orbiculata, (Pursh.) 
dilatata, 

fimbriata, (Willd.) 
Orobanche virginiana, 
Osmunda cinnamomea, 
interrupta, 
regalis, 
Ostrya virginica, 
Oxalis acetosella, 
dillenii, 
stricta, 
Oxy coccus macrocarpus, 

Panax quinquefolia, 

trifolia, 
Panicum crus-galli, 
glaucum, 
capillare, 
lati folium, 
nitidum, 
Parnassia carol iniana, 
Pastinaca sativa, 
Pedicularis canadensis, 
Penthorum sedoides, 
Pentstemon pubescens, 
Phleum pratense, 
Phalaris arundinacea, 
Phryma leptostachya, 
Phytolacca decandra, 
Pinus balsamea, 

canadensis, (Pursh.) 

nigra, 

alba, 

strobus, 

pendula, 

microcarpa/; 

resinosa, 

rigida, 
Plantago major, 
Plantanus occidentalis, 
Poa pratensis, (Smith.) 

VOL. IX. 21 



Vulgar Names. 
Scabish. 
Dwarf scabish. 
Sensitive fern. 
Buck's-horn brake. 
Yellow orchis. 
Ragged-lip'd orchis. 
Showy orchis. 
Round-leaved orchis. 
Giant orchis. 
Purple orchis. 
Cancer root. 
Flowering fern. 



Iron wood, hop horn beam. 
Wood sorrel. 
Ladies' sorrel. 



Cranberry. 

Ginseng. 

Dwarf groundnut. 
Barn grass. 
Foxtail panic. 



Grass of parnassus. 

Wild parsnip, (introduced.) 

Louse-wort. 

Virginian orpine. 

Beard tongue. 

Timothy grass. 

Ribbon grass. 

Lop-seed. 

Poke-weed. 

Fir tree. 

Hemlock. 

Double spruce. 

Single spruce. 

White pine. 

Tamarack. 

Red larch. 

Yellow pine. 

Pitch pine. 

Plantain. 

Button-ball tree. 

Meadow grass. 



154 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



. Botanical Names. 
Poa compressa, 
quinquefida, 
reptans, (Michaux.) 
Polygala paucifolia, (Willd.) 
Polygonum punctatum, (Elliot.) 
aviculare, ( Willd ) 
persicaria, 
pennsylvanicum, 
saggittatum, 
arifolium, 
convolvulus, 
scandens,* 

lapathifolium, (Muhl.) 
Polypodium vulgare, (Willd.) 
hexagonopterum, 
Populus tremuloides, (Michaux.) 
grandidentata, 
angulata, 
balsamifera, 
Portulacca oleracea, (L.) 
Potamogeton natans, (Michaux.) 
fluitans, (Willd.) 
perfoliatum, (Mx.) 
gramineum, 
lucens, 
pectinatum, 
compressum, 
Potentilla, norvegica, 
anserina, 
canadensis, 
Pothos foetida, (Michaux.) 
Prenanthes alba, ( Willd.) 
altissima r 
cordata, 
Prinos verticillatus, 
Proserpinaca palustris, 
Prunella pennsylvanica, 
Prunus virginiana, 
serotina, 

americana, (Muhl.) 
Pteris aquilina, (Willd.) 
Pyrola rotundifolia, 
y i secunda, 



Vulgar Names^ 
Blue grass. 
Giant meadow grass. 
Carpet grass. 
Flowering wintergreen. 
Water pepper. 
Knot grass. 
Ladies' thumb. 
Knee knot-weed. 
Prickly knot-weed. 
Halbert knot-weed. 
Bind knot-weed. 
Climbing buck-wheat. 
Sorrel knot-weed. 
Polypod. 



White poplar. 

Tree poplar. 

Water poplar. 

Balsam poplar. 

Purslane. 

Broad-leaved pond-weed. 

Long-leaved pond-weed. 

Clasping pond-weed. 

Grass-leaved pond-weed. 

Shining pond-weed. 

Brittle-leaved pond- weed. 

Flat-stemmed pond-weed. 

Cinque-foil. 

Goose cinque-foil. 

Common five-finger. 

Skunk-cabbage. 

White-lettuce. 



Winterberry. 
Mermaid-weed. 
Heal-all. 
Wild cherry. 
Choke cherry. 



Common brake. 
Shin leaf. 
One-sided shin leaf. 



* P. scandens. Large tracts of land on the Green Mountain, in this part 
of the state, which were burnt over in the year 1816, are now covered with 
an immense quantity of this plant, and the great willow herb, Epilobium 
spicatum. 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT. 



155 






Botanical Names. 
Quercus tinctoria, 
discolor, 
coccinea, 
rubra, 

olivae-formis, 
alba, 
montana, 
bicolor. 



Ranunculus acris, 

fluviatilis, 
abortivus, 
hirsutus, (Curtis.) 
bulbosus, (Willd.) 
sceleratus, 
Rhus typhinum, 
glabrum, 
copallinum, 
toxicodendron, 
Ribes floridum, 
triflorum, 
gracile, 
Rosa corymbosa, 
parviflora, 
rubiginosa, 
Rubus villosus, 
strigosus, 
occidentalis, 
trivialis, (Michaux.) 
saxatilis, 

odoratus, (Willd.) 
Rumex crispus, 

obtusifolius, 
verticillatus, 

Saggitaria saggitifolia, 
latifolia, 
heterophylla, 



Salix conifera, 

nigra, 

lucida, 

vitellina, 
Sambucus canadensis, 

pubescens, 
Samolus valerandi, 
Sanguinaria canadensis, 
Sanicula marilandica, 
Satyrium bracteatum, 



Vulgar Names. 
Black oak. 
False red oak. 
Scarlet oak. 
Red oak. 
Mossy-cup oak. 
White oak. 
Mountain oak. 
Swamp white oak. 

Common crowfoot. 

River crowfoot. 

Small-flowered crowfoot. 

Rough crowfoot. 

Bulbous crowfoot. 

Celery crowfoot. 

Sumach. 

Sleek sumach. 

Mountain sumach. 

Poison ash. 

Wild black currant. 

Gooseberry. 

Smooth gooseberry. 

Swamp rose. 

Wild rose. 

Sweet briar. 

High blackberry. 

Red raspberry. 

Black raspberry. 

Dewberry. 

Rock blackberry. 

Flowering raspberry. 

Dock. 



Arrow-head. 



Cone-gall willow. 
Brittle-joint willow. 
Shining willow. 
Yellow willow. 
Black elder. 
Red elder. 
Brook- weed. 
Blood-root. 
Sanicle. 
Satyrion. 



156 



ACCOUNT OF MIDDLEBURY, VT, 



Vulgar Names* 
Club-rush. 
Common bull-rush. 
Early saxifrage. 
Fig-wort. 
Scull-cap. 
Mad dog scull-cap. 
Fire-weed. 
Rag-wort. 
Little snake-weed. 
Mustard. 
Hone-wort. 
Water radish. 
Water parsnip. 
Green briar. 
Jacob's ladder. 



Alexanders. 



Botanical Names. 
Scirpus tenuis, 
acutus, 
Saxifraga nivalis, 
Scropularia marilandica, 
Scutellaria galericulata, 

lateriflora, 
Senecio hieracifolius, 

aureus, 
Serpicula oceidentalis, 
Sinapis nigra, 
Sison Candense, 
Sisymbrium amphibium, 
Sium latifolium, 
Smilax rotundifolia, 
peduncularis, 
herbacea, 
Smyrnum aureum, 

cordatum, (Michaux.) 
Solanum dulcamara, (X.) 

nigrum, 
Solidago ciliaris, (Willd.) 
altissima, 
arguta, 
bicolor, 
lanceolata, 
latifolia, 
virga-aurea, 
Sonchus leucophaeus, 

oleraceus, 
Sorbus Americana, 
Sparganium ramosum, 
simplex, 
natans 1 
Spiraea salicifolia, 
Staphylea trifolia, 
Streptopus roseus, (Michaux. ) 
Symphitum officinale, (natural- 
ized.) 

Tanacetum vulgare, (naturalized.) Tansey. 

Taxus candensis, Dwarf yew. 

Thalictrum dioieum, Meadow rue. 

cornuti, 

polygamum, 

Thesium umbellatum, False toad flax. 

Thlaspi bursa-pastoris, Shepherd's purse. • 

campestris, Yellow seed. 

Thuja oceidentalis, American arbor-vitae. 



Bitter-sweet. 
Deadly night-shade. 
Fringed golden-rod. 
Variable golden-rod. 
Sharp-notch golden-rod. 
White golden-rod. 
Grass-leaf golden-rod. 
Broad-leaf golden-rod. 
Mountain golden-rod. 
Sow thistle. 



Mountain ash. 
Bur-reed. 
Flag bur-reed. 
Slender bur-reed. 
White steeple bush. 
Bladder-nut. 
Rose bell flower. 
Comfrey. 



ACCOUNT OF M1DDLEBURY, VT. 



157 



Botanical Names. 
Tiarella cordifolia, 
Tilia glabra, 

pubescens, 
Trichodiurn laxiflorum, (Michaux. 
Trichophorum cyperinum, 
Trientalis americana, (Pursh.) 
Trifolium pratense, (Willd.) 

repens, 

arvense, 
Trillium erectum, (Pursh.) 

cernuum, 

pictum, 
Triticum repens, (Willd.) 
Turritis hursuta, 
Tussilago farfara, 
Typha latifolia, 

Ulmus americana, 

fulva, 
Urtica dioica, 

procera, 

divaricata, 

pumila, 

canadensis, 
Utricularia vulgaris, 
Uvularia perfoliata, 
sessilifolia, 



Vulgar Names. 
Miter-wort. 
Bass-wood. 
Crop-ear bass-wood. 
) Light hair. 
Clump grass. 
Chick wintergreen. 
Red clover. 
White clover. 
Rabbit-foot clover. 
Wake-robin. 
Nodding wake-robin. 
Smiling wake-robin. 
Couch grass. 
Tower mustard. 
Colt's-foot. 
Cat-tail flag. 

White elm. 
Red elm, 
Common nettle. 
Great nettle. 



Clear-weed. 
Canada nettle. 
Bladder-wort. 
Clasping bell-wort. 
Sessile-leaved bell-wort. 



Vaccinium frondosum, 
resinosum, 
corymbosum, 
Vallisneria spiralis,* 
Veratrum viride, 
Vefrbascum thapsus, 
Verbena hastata, 

urticifolia, * 

Vernonia noveboracensis, 
Veronica beccabunga, 
serpylli^Ha, 
scutellata, 
peregrina, 
Viburnum oxycoccus, (Pursh.) 
lentago, (Willd.) 
lantanoides, (Michaux. 



Blue whortleberry. 
Black whortleberry. 
Giant whortleberry. 
Tape grass. 
White hellebore. 
Mullein. 
Purple vervain. 
White vervain. 
Flat-top. 
Brook lime. 
Paul's be tony. 
Scull-cap, speedwell. 
Purslane speedwell. 
High Cranberry. 
Sheepberry. 
) Hobble bush. 



* Vallisneria spiralis. This singular plant grows plentifully in the Otter 
Creek, at Middlebury, and here, as well as in the Hudson, at Albany, it has 
the peduncle of the pistillate flower spiral, both in deep and shallow water. 






158 DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 



Botanical Names. 
Viburnum acerifolium, (Willd.) 
dentatum, 

pyrifolium, (Pursh.) 
pubescens, 
Vicia sativa, 
Viola asarifolia, (MuhL) 
blanda, (Willd.) 
obliqua, 
cuccullata, 

clandestina, (Pursh.) 
canadensis, 
striata, 
rostrata, 

pubescens, (Willd.) 
Vitis labrusca, (Michaux.) 
cordifolia, 



Vulgar Names. 
Maple guelder rose. 
Arrow wood. 
Pear-leaf sheepberry. 



Tare. 

Kidney-leaf violet. 
Smooth violet. 
Twisted violet. 
Blue violet. 
Ground violet. 
Woods violet. 
Striped violet. 
Beaked violet. 
Yellow violet. 
Fox grape. 
Frost grape. 



Xanthium strumarium, (Willd.) Clott-bur. 
Xylosteum ciliatum, Twinberry. 



Zanthoxylum fraxineum, 



Prickly ash. 



Donations received for the Town of Boston during 

the Siege. 



1775. 
Jan. 30. 



Feb. 6. 



BARNSTABLE, cash, . . 12 10 8 
Salem, north parish, ... 45 

Ditto, 114 9 

Mansfield, . . 28 7§ 

Attleborough, . . . . . 33 11 7 

Unknown, ....... 3 

North Providence, .... 18 2 4 

William Johnson Rysoon, ... 16 6 

Danvers, . 13 13 6 

Wellfleet. . 7 10 8 

Yarmouth, east parish, ... 7 4 8 

Newburyport, . . . . . 202 10 2 

Kittery, . . 41 3 2 

Carried over, £52 7 12 10 



DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 159 

1775. Brought over, 527 12 10* 

Feb. 6, Middleton, 22 9 1 

Rehoboth, 6 2 

Ditto, 2 6 2 

Berwick, south parish, . . .11 6 8 

Ditto, north parish, 2 2 

From a lady unknown, ... 7 1 ♦ 

Portsmouth, N. H 200 

Eastham, corn, 50 bushels, . .10 

Falmouth, wood, 5H • • • 30 18 

Cape Elizabeth, do. 44J, . . 26 14 

13. Biddeford, Joseph Morrill, ... 12 ' 

Southborough, 5 9 

Scarborough, 11 4 3 

Sturbridge, three gentlemen, .10 4 

Sandisfield, ....... 6 9 8 

Beverly, cash, £ 31 9 10, and ? 41 in 4 

sundries amounting to ) 

Ditto, July 22, cash, .... 14 2 1 
Brookfield, rye, 9 bushels. 
Greenwich, grain, llf do, 

Wells, cash, .91 1 

and wood, 26| cords. 

New Hampshire, 
Exeter, 100 

Connecticut. 

Lyme— -Joseph, Joseph, Jun. > 5 6 

Christopher Higgins, ) 

Glassenbury — Ebenezer Plummer, 6 13 4 

Groton, sheep, 128, cattle, 7 ; re- 
ceived October 14. 
Virginia. 

Wheat, 2898 bushels, 

Corn, 498 do. 

Flour, barrels 22, 

Calavances, 5 bushels. 

Carried over, £ 1047 9 9| 



160 DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 

1775. Brought over, 1047 9 9± 

New Jersey. 
Feb. 13. Hunterdon County, .... 80 

Massachusetts. 
20. Brookfield, corn, . . 19 bushels, 
Northborough, grain 80 do. 
cheese, 36 lbs. 
pork, 61 do. 

cash, 10 19 4 

Milton, wood, 55 loads, 24 cords. 

Littleton, cash, 4 3 0| 

grain, 26 bushels, 1 check'd 
handkerchief, home made, pink 
flowers, J lb. 
Cambridge, cash, .... 31 4 6§ 
grain, bushels 37, and meal — 
7 pair men's shoes, potatoes, 
2 bushels, turnips, 1 bushel, 
wood, 17 loads. 

Brookline, cash, 25 7 6| 

corn, 9 bushels, 18| do. pota- 
toes, cabbages 48, wood 1 cord. 
*Concord, cash, ..... 11 4 6| 

118 bushels meal, 
*Lunenburg, wheat, 4 bushels, 
rye, 82 do. 
Indian, 2 do. 
^Lincoln, cash. ...... 1 15 5 

meal, 29 bushels, 
wood, 19 loads. 
*Dracut, cash, . . , ... 317 1 
meal, 45j bushels. 

*Acton, cash, 3 17 

grain, 41 £ bushels, 
pork and beef, 32 lbs. 
Shrewsbury, grain, 53 bushels. 

Carried over, £1219 18 3f 

* Those towns marked * delivered their donations to Charlestown. 












DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 161 

1775. Brought over, 1219 18 3} 

Connecticut. 
Feb. 20. Joseph Dennison, Jun. 
cheese, 80 lbs. 
13f bushels corn,] Part of the 
4 do. rye, \ donation from 
17 loads of wood, } Cambridge 
9 bush, potatoes, | and Charles- 
1 do. turnips, J town. 

Massachusetts. 
27. Gentleman unknown, .... 1 14 8 
Gentleman in the country, . . 2 
Chilmark, Martha's Vineyard, 6 10 

Brookline,2fatsheep, 2cwt. rice, 
Bolton, 33 bushels grain, 

Sandwich, 19 

Maiden, Rev. Mr. Willis's parish, 3 1 

1 pair women's shoes, 1 ton 
hay, and 2 loads of wood. 

Lancaster, second parish, ... 12 
and 78 bushels grain. 

Truro, 11 16 

Sturbridge, cash, 4 13 

2 barrels and 1 bag meal, 5 bar- 
rels and 1 tierce rye and wheat, 
1 barrel pork, and 1 barrel 
malt. 

Connecticut. 
' Preston, 18 13 

Pennsylvania. 
Dover, Kent county, on the De- 
laware, . ...... 80 

Canada. 
Montreal, 100 4 



Carried over, £ 1468 1 11± 
vol. ix. 22 



162 DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 

1775. Brought over, 1468 lllj 

Massachusetts. 
March 6. Roxbury, second parish, cash, 15 12 

grain, 3 bushels, 

wood, 13§ cords, 

cheese, 40 lbs. 
Brookline, 1 load of wood. 
Dedham, 46 cords ditto. 

Plympton, cash, 4 16 

Medway, east parish, cash, ..72 

and cheese, 53| lbs. 
Sturbridge, Nathaniel and Josiah 

Walker, 15 

Danvers, north parish, cash, 26 15 4 

10 pair shoes, 

check, 8| yards, 

thread, 2 ounces, 

1 pair moose-skin breeches. 
Nantucket, Rev. Mr. Shaw's 

parish, . ...... 26 16 9 

Rhode Island. 
Providence, from the Committee 

of Inspection, . . . ... . 16 16 1 

Virginia. 
Via St. Eustatia, cargo of corn 

blown off the coast, . . . 128 11 

South Carolina. 
Roger Smith, Esq. dollars, 328£, 

amount from the inhabitants, 98 13 3 
Massachusetts. 
13. *Marblehead, from the Commit- 
. tee, ........ 120 

Bradford, 35 pair shoes, and cash, 18 14 10 
Maiden, Rev. Mr. Thacher's 

parish, . 9 13 

Carried over, £ 1942 7 2§ 

* The MS. here is not plain. Ed. 



DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 163 



1775. Brought over, 1942 7 2 

March 13. Duxborough, wood, 21 cords. 
Roxbury, unknown lbs. beef. 
Boston, do. do. 

Virginia, 
Wheat, 735 bushels, 
Corn, 25 do. 
Flour, 3 barrels, 
Bread, 3 do. 

Massachusetts, 
Dedham, wood, 48 cords. 
20. Gloucester, Cape Ann, cash, 117 4 
Eastham, north parish, . . 7 16 
Marshpee, Mr, Hawley's parish, 18 
Yarmouth, west parish, ..568 
Plymouth, Mr. Nathaniel Good- 
win, corn, 20 bushels. 

Virginia, 
Westmoreland county, 
corn, 1002 bushels, 
wheat, 90 do. 

Philadelphia, 
Flour, 300 barrels, 
Bar iron, 3 tons, 
Nail rods, 3 do. 

Rhode Island, 
Newport, cash, ..... 78 3 9 

Massachusetts, 
27. George-town, first parish, . . 6 
Capt. William Rogers of ditto, 2 8 
Old Hadley, ...... 2 13 4 

Scituate, third parish, .... 5 6 8 

Hatfield, . 12 15 3 



Carried over, £ 2180 15 2 



164 DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 

1775. Brought over, 2180 15 22 

March 27. Plymouth, Committee Inspection, 31 5 6 
Brookfield, second precinct, . . 12 

corn, 14 bushels, 

rye, 30 do. 

Berkley, ..817 

Bridgewater, . ... ■.>■'"-. 6 15 9| 

flax, 344 lbs. 

wool, 3 do. 

tobacco, 9 do. 

shovels, iron, 2, 

1 spinning wheel. 
Falmouth, second parish, 

wood, 30| cords. 
Gorham-town, wood, 8 cords. 
Gentleman unknown, . . . . 19 8 

Duxbury, 4 8 

Salem, Committee Inspection, 109 9 5| 
Falmouth, in the county of Barn- 
stable, ........ 5 15 8 

New Hampshire. 
South Hampton, . . . . 10 

Rhode Island. 
Newport, cash, . . . . . 70 10 
Committee Inspection, . .7 13 8 

South Carolina, 
Via New York, . . . . . 139 18 0| 

Dominica, 
Cocoa, 2 cwt. 2 qrs. 

Massachusetts! 
AprilS Newbury, first parish, . . , 46 4 2 
Marlborough, cash, . . v . 32 18 2 
1 pair shoes, . 

3 qrs. beef, 

Carried over, £ 2655 6 Hi 






DONATIONS TO BOSTON DURING THE SIEGE. 165 

1775. Brought over, 2655 6 11J 

April 3. rye, 24 bushels, 

meal, 5| do. 

malt, If do. 

cheese, 80 lbs. 

Tisbury, cash, 12 

Scituate, first parish, do. . . .' 6 15 11 § 

Dartmouth, do . 50 17 3 

Roxbury, third parish, . . . 20 4 7 

pork, 51 lbs. 

wood, 5 cords, 

potatoes, 18 bushels, 

cabbages, 6 dozen, 

turnips, 1 bushel. 
Norton, cash, 7 2 10 

New Jersey. 
Elizabeth-town, cash, ... 75 

Rhode Island. 
Providence, cash, 51 

South Carolina. 
10. Rice, 45 1 8 

Pennsylvania. 
Dover, . 80 

Connecticut. 
Stratford, 

rye, 30 bushels, 
wheat, 6 do. 

Massachusetts. 
Christian-town on Martha's Vine- 
yard ; Indian natives, . . . 2 1 

17. Unknown hands, 90 9 

Monson, 

2 cwt. 9 lbs. wheat flour, 



Carried over, £ 3095 19 2| 



166 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

1775. Brought over, 3095 19 2f 

April 17. tobacco, 17 lbs. 

8 cwt. 1 qr. 14 lbs. )je flour, 
5 bushels rye meal, 
2 pair hose, 
butter, 12 lbs. 
Hanover, from a lady unknown, 2 8 

South Carolina. 
Rice, sold at New York, . . . 33 6 8 



£3131 13 lOf 



[Our printer having followed the MS. communicated by a friend, 
we ought to observe, that the foregoing benefactions were made during 
the operation of the Port Bill, and not the siege, hostilities having be- 
gun only two days after the last were received.] 



Account of Providence, R. I. 

[The Historical Account of the Planting and Growth of Providence, 
which the Society now publish, is taken from Nos. 117, 118, 120, 
121, 122, 126, 128 of the Providence Gazette, from 12 January to 
30 March, 1765. Soon after, the publication of that newspaper was 
interrupted by the disastrous occurrences of the times, or we might 
probably have been gratified with a continuance of the narrative to 
later times. The tract has been usually ascribed to the venerable 
Stephen Hopkins, who for eight years had been governour of the 
colony, and served in that office one year after, but is better known 
as one of the signers of the declaration of independence. It has 
become very scarce.] 

Extract from Publisher's Address. 

It being imagined that an historical account of the 
planting and growth of Providence, would be worthy the 
publick attention, and redound to the honour of this pa- 
per, a gentleman of the first distinction, a true friend to 
his country, enabled the publisher to begin the work in 
the first number of this paper, but some, necessary me- 
morials being then wanting, for the accurate performance 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 167 

of it, and some important business intervening, it was 
obliged to be laid aside, for some future time. — The war 
we were then engaged in being terminated, and the au- 
thor having furnished himself with proper materials for 
prosecuting the undertaking, it is now resumed, and will 
occasionally make its appearance in this paper till the 
whole is completed. — The first part being published so 
long since, and many kind readers had not the advantage 
of it, it is thought proper to reprint it, for their benefit, 
with the continuation. — And as all nations, in all ages, 
have ever been desirous of registering their genealogies, 
from their original foundations in the records of time, it is 
not doubted but this attempt will meet with the publick 
applause, and in some measure demonstrate the sincerity 
of the publisher's professions, as well as afford a speci- 
men of his future intentions in the service of the publick ; 
— for by this history, we may be acquainted with the re- 
solution, the sufferings, the hardships, the fatigues and 
cares, the wants, and even the blood expended by our 
forefathers, in laying the foundation of our now peaceable, 
happy settlements, and therewith the inestimable enjoy- 
ments of civil and religious liberty. 



An Historical Account oj the Planting and Growth of 
Providence. -> 

The unhappy disputes that raged in England, both in 
church and state, in the reigns of King James the First, and 
King Charles the First, although they were the immediate 
cause of infinite mischiefs in that kingdom, in the times 
they happened, yet were they also the remote cause of 
very great advantages to the English nation afterwards : 
Among which advantages, the peopling of New England, 
occasioned by those disputes, may be esteemed one oi 
the most considerable. 

The first planting of New England was begun by Mr. 
John Carver, and about one hundred other English sub- 
jects ; who, being persecuted in England for not con- 



168 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

forming in every punctilio to the established church, for 
the sake of worshipping God according to their conscien- 
ces, left their native country, with all its conveniences 
and delights, and arrived at Cape Cod in the month of 
November, in the year 1620 ; where they landed in the 
depth of winter, having no houses or shelter to cover 
them from the injuries of the weather, endured incredible 
hardships, and passed through unparalleled sufferings ; 
and, supported only by a noble fortitude of mind, and the 
consciousness of well-doing, they gloriously effected the 
settlement of New Plymouth, the first of the New Eng- 
land colonies. 

Near ten years afterwards, in the year 1630, Mr. John 
Winthrop, with many other gentlemen, and about fifteen 
hundred people, left their native country for the same 
cause ; and came over first to Salem, and from thence to 
Charlestown, from whence they dispersed themselves to 
Dorchester, Watertown, and Boston ; and effectually be- 
gun the settlement of the Massachusetts Bay, the second 
of the New England colonies. 

With this second colony came over Mr. Roger Wil- 
liams ; of whose life, before his coming to America, we 
know little more, than that he had a liberal education ; 
and was sometime pupil of Sir Edward Coke, the famous 
English lawyer. Soon after his coming to Salem, he 
was made assistant in the ministry to Mr. Samuel Skel- 
ton, the first minister of that town. Before he had been 
long in this station, some difference in opinion arose be- 
tween Mr. Skelton and him, and to prevent its increase, 
Mr. Williams removed to Plymouth, and became minis- 
ter of the church there ; but some disputes happening 
here also between him and some of his church, he did 
not continue long with them, but returned to Salem, and 
finding Mr. Skelton now in a declining state of health, 
he again assisted him in the ministry. After Mr. Skel- 
ton's death, which soon happened, Mr. Williams was 
made sole minister of the church of Salem, and continu- 
ed so for some time, much esteemed as a preacher, and 
greatly beloved by most of his church. Yet some of his 
tenets were looked upon as dangerous, and heterodox, by 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. ft. 169 

the lesser, but ruling part of them. — Such were his as- 
serting, " that the king of England had no right to take 
the lands in America from the Indians and give them to 
his own subjects :" And also, " that an universal liberty 
of conscience ought to be allowed to all, in religious 
matters. For these opinions, Mr. Williams was at 
length called to an account, and openly justifying them, 
he was for this offence deprived of his ministry, and ban- 
ished from Salem, and the Massachusetts colony. In 
consequence of this sentence, Mr. Williams was sent in- 
to the wilderness to shift for himself. But so great was 
the love of some of his church for him, that they would 
not forsake him even in this extreme distress ; and 
twelve of them voluntarily went into exile, and the soli- 
tary wilderness with him.— Without any guide but hea- 
ven they wandered southward, and came to a place called 
Seaconk ; and thinking they were now far enough re- 
moved from their offended brethren, designed to sit down 
there ; But it seems, the fame of their heretical opinions 
had reached to Plymouth, and thereupon an officer was 
sent from thence to order them to depart out of that col- 
ony also. 

Being now quite forlorn, this officer kindly informed 
them, that the arm of the bay, then near them, was the 
western boundary of the Plymouth colony. They there- 
fore once more removed, and found means to transport 
themselves over this arm of the bay, now called Seaconk 
River, and came to a place by the Indians called Mosha- 
suck. As they now found themselves in the country of 
the Narraganset Indians, Mr. Williams applied to the 
sachem or king of that people, whose name was Conani- 
cus, truly stated his unhappy ease to him, and begged his 
protection, which this noble prince kindly granted to him 
and his associates, and also generously made them a pres- 
ent of all that neck of land lying between the mouths of 
Pawtucket and Moshasuck Rivers, that they might sit 
down in peace upon it, and enjoy it forever. Upon this 
neck of land, given them by the beneficent sachem, they 
settled themselves in the best manner their very poor, 
and truly deplorable circumstances would admit of; be- 

vol. ix. 23 



170 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

ing quite destitute of every necessary, as well as conven- 
iency of life, and entirely cut off from all communication 
with every part of mankind, except the savages. Even 
those with whom they had so lately left their native coun- 
try, for the same cause of religion, were now become their 
greatest persecutors, and most cruel enemies. This settle- 
ment was the feeble beginning of the third New England 
colony, first planted sometime in the year 1634, by the 
renowned and worthy Mr. Roger Williams, and his 
twelve poor suffering companions, namely, John Throck- 
morton, William Arnold, William Harris, Stukely West- 
cot, John Greene, Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, 
Thomas James, Robert Cole, William Carpenter, Fran- 
cis Weston, and Ezekiel Holliman. 

This small company Mr. Williams formed into a 
church ; and on that occasion piously observed to his 
brethren, that the providence of God had found out a 
place for them among savages, where they might peace- 
ably worship God according to their consciences ; a pri- 
vilege which had been denied them in all the Christian 
countries they had ever been in. — In thankfulness for this 
greatest of blessings, he named the place where they 
were settled, Providence. As they were all fully sen- 
sible of the horrid mischiefs, and atrocious sin of perse- 
cution, they established an universal liberty of conscience, 
as well for all others who should come and settle with 
them, as for themselves : And this natural right of all 
mankind, has been inviolably maintained throughout the 
colony to this day. Liberty of conscience being settled 
in this, and denied in the two neighbouring colonies, soon 
brought more of those to join with them, whose faith did 
not exactly agree with the fixed standards there ; and in a 
short time afterwards, there were added to the church at 
Providence, Robert Williams, John Smith, Hugh Bewit r 
William Wickenden, John Field, Thomas Hopkins, and 
William Hawkins. 

Having given this short account of these planters, in 
their several migrations, until they are at last settled at 
Providence, let us stand still for a moment, and view 
them in this their verv indigent condition ; equally 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 171 

admire their sufferings, and their patience, and wonder 
how they could possibly live, quite destitute of every ne- 
cessary, and every conveniency of life : having no maga- 
zine of provisions, or stores of any kind ; no domestick 
animal to assist them in their labour, or afford them sus- 
tenance ; no utensils or husbandry tools, to facilitate their 
tilling the earth ; nothing to help themselves with, but 
their hands ; nothing to depend on, but God's goodness, 
their own endeavours, and the charity of savages. 

Nor house, nor hut, or fruitful field, 

Nor lowing herd, nor bleating flock ; 
Or garden, that might comfort yield, 

No cheerful, early-crowing cock. 

No orchard, yielding pleasant fruit, 

Or labouring ox, or useful plough ; 
Nor neighing steed, or browsing goat, 

Or grunting swine, or foodful cow. 

No friend to help, no neighbour nigh, 

Nor healing medicine to restore ; 
No mother's hand, to close the eye, 

Alone, forlorn, and most extremely poor. 

Nothing but extreme diligence, and matchless perse- 
verance, could possibly have carried them through this 
undertaking; could have procured them the scanty mor- 
sels which supported a life of want and of innocence. 
Too much have we their descendants departed from the 
diligence, fortitude, frugality, and innocence of these our 
fathers. While we enjoy the blessings they procured for 
us, live at ease, and fare sumptuously, we little think, we 
too little remember, that they from whom we have receiv- 
ed all our conveniences, were destitute of every thing 
themselves : When we live luxuriously, we seldom call 
to mind the sufferings of these patriarchs, who wanted 
even the bread of affliction. The poor unhappy Indians 
have had an ungrateful return for their kindness to the 
first settlers : they who received and cherished our ances- 
tors in their distress, were rather despised than relieved, 
when we had got their country from them, when we had 
changed conditions with them, and they in their turn 
were in distress ;— -but they were heathens, they were sa- 



172 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

vages : — A poor excuse for ingratitude, or want of char- 
ity in Christians. 

The indigent condition of these planters, the necessity 
they were under to labour continually, for the support of 
themselves and families, was most probably the reason 
they left scarce any memorials behind them in Writing of 
what happened, or was transacted during the first nine 
years after their coming to Providence,, Mr. Williams 
was certainly very capable of writing, and seems to have 
delighted in it, when circumstances afterwards afforded 
him an opportunity ; several of his companions also wrote 
many things afterwards : Therefore, this total neglect of 
writing for so long a time, must be attributed to their ne- 
cessitous condition ; and perhaps to the want of even pa- 
per to write on : This appears the more probable,.^ the 
first of their writings, that are to v be found, appear on 
small scraps of paper, wrote as thick and* crowded as full 
as possible. Whatever might be the occasion of it, this 
want of authentick materials for so long a time, will make 
it impossible to mention many interesting matters, that 
must necessarily happen during this period : However, 
tradition has furnished us with some things, and the writ- 
ings made afterwards, near the time, have taken notice of, 
others, that may be fully depended on. 

Soon after the first planting of Providence, and within 
the same year, 1634, Mr. Williams purchased of Conan- 
icus, the Indian king, a large tract of land, lying between 
Pawtucket River, and Pawtuxet River, and to extend up 
the stream of each river, twenty miles from the sea. 
This purchase includes all the lands which now make 
the towns of Providence, Smithfield, Scituate, Glouces- 
ter, Cranston, and Johnston. What consideration was 
given the sachem for this land, we are not informed ; 
whatever it was, it seems to have been paid by Mr. Wil- 
liams alone. This I conjecture from a remonstrance of 
his to the town of Providence, in his own hand writing, 
in the year 1654, in which he expostulates with the peo- 
ple for their disorders, and great animosities ; and up- 
braids them with their great ingratitude to heaven, and to 
himself, in the following words : " I am like a man in a fog; 



■ 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 173 



know not well how to steer ; I fear to run upon rocks 
at home, after having had many trials abroad ; I fear to 
run quite backwards, and to undo all that I have been 
this long time undoing myself to do : To wit, To keep 
up the name of a people, a free people ; not enslaved, in 
body or soul, to the bondages and iron yokes of oppres- 
sion, bpth of the English and barbarians about us ; nor to 
the divisions and disorders within ourselves. Since I set 
the first step of any English foot in these wild parts, and 
have maintained a chargeable and hazardous correspond- 
ence with the barbarians, and spent almost five years time 
with the state of England, to keep off the rage of the 
English against us, what have I reaped of being the root, 
of being the stepping-stone to so many families and towns 
about us, but grief and sorrow and bitterness? I have 
been charged with* folly, for that freedom and liberty I 
have always stood for ; I say liberty and equality, both 
in land and government. I have been blamed for parting 
with Moshasuek, and afterwards Pawtucket, which were 
mine own as truly as any man's coat upon his back, with- 
out reserving to myself one foot of land, or one inch of 
voice, more than to my servants, or strangers. It hath 
been told me that I have laboured for a licentious and 
contentious people,- — that I have foolishly parted with many 
advantages." — What makes me suppose Mr. Williams 
paid the whole consideration of this first and great pur- 
chase, is, his saying as above, that these lands were his 
own as truly as any man's coat on his back : However 
this might be, 'tis certain he immediately made his twelve 
companions equal proprietors with himself, both in the 
lands given by the sachem, and those he had purchased 
of him. And those who came afterwards and settled in 
Providence, were generally, for a small consideration, ad- 
mitted to be equal sharers in the greater part of these 
lands, until the whole number of proprietors came at 
length to anc hundred. 

It is most probable these first settlers did not bring 
their wives and families with them at their first coming, 
and that they were not removed to Providence, until 
sometime in the year 1637 ; for we have heard by tradi- 



174 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

tion, and I believe truly, that the first male child born 
there, was Mr. Williams's eldest son, and whom he, for 
that reason, named Providence ; and this child appears 
by the records to have been born in the month of Sep- 
tember, 1638 : But a female child had been born there 
some time before, although in the same year. 

Near the time that Providence was first began, one Mr. 
William Blackstone came and settled by the side of Paw- 
tucket River, near the southern part of that which is now 
the town of Cumberland. He was a man of learning, 
and had received Episcopal ordination in England, and 
seems to have been of the puritan persuasion, and to have 
left his native country for his nonconformity ; at what 
time is quite unknown : But when the Massachusetts col- 
ony first came to America, they found him settled on that 
peninsula where the town of Boston now stands ; he had 
been there so long as to have raised appteixees and plant- 
ed an orchard. Upon his invitation, the principal part of 
that colony removed from Charlestown thither, and began 
the town on the land he generously gave them for that 
purpose. However, it was not long before a new kind of 
nonconformity obliged him to leave the remainder of his 
estate on that renowned peninsula, to these numerous 
new comers, and to remove a second time into the wil- 
derness. On this occasion he made use of these remarka- 
ble expressions, " I left England to get from under the 
power of the lord bishops, but in America I am fallen 
under the power of the lord brethren." At this his new 
plantation he lived uninterrupted for many years, and there 
again raised an orchard, the first that ever bore apples in 
the colony of Rhode Island : He had the first of ..{hat sort 
called yellow sweetings, that were ever in the world, per- 
haps, the richest and most delicious apple of the wliole 
kind: Many of the trees, which he planted about one 
hundred and thirty years ago, are still pretty thrifty fruit- 
bearing trees. Mr. Blackstone used frequently to come 
to Providence, to preach the gospel ; and to encourage 
his younger hearers, gave them the first apples they ever 
saw. It is said, that when he was old, and unable to tra- 
vel on foot, and not having any horse, he used to ride on 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 175 

a bull, which he had tamed and tutored to that use. His 
family is now extinct. 

The fame of the good lands on the borders of Con- 
necticut River, invited some people from the Massachu- 
setts thither, who, in the year 1635, viewed those lands, 
examined and found out the most suitable places for, and 
made some preparations toward a settlement; and the 
next year, 1636, a large number of people removed from 
the Massachusetts ; some of the principal of which were 
Mr. Hains, who, as I suppose, was the year before gov- 
ernour of that province, Mr. Hopkins, first governour of 
Connecticut, Mr. Hooker, first minister of Hartford, Mr. 
Ludlow, and others, and made an effectual settlement of 
the towns of Hartford, Weathersfied and Windsor, all 
on the banks of the said river. This was the beginning 
of Connecticut, the fourth of the New England colonies ; 
which seems not to have been began for the same cause,, 
that the other three which preceded it were ; that is, to 
avoid persecution, and enjoy liberty of conscience ; but 
the people were induced to make this remove to better 
their circumstances ; and indeed the choice they made of 
a place to remove to, hath fully vindicated their judgment 
to succeeding generations; being seated by the sides of 
much the largest and finest river in New England, which 
is capable of affording, perhaps, the most extensive wa- 
ter carriage of any river that empties into the sea between 
Carolina and the Bay of St. Lawrence ; and which, like 
the famed Nile, annually, about the beginning of April, 
overflows and fertilizes all the intervals and low lands 
near it. Yet not in the exceeding fruitfulness of these low 
lands only, does this colony exceed, but even their hill 
lands, both for pasturage and for tilling, have been found, 
by experience, to produce much better than the other lands 
in New England. 

The following year, 1637, a settlement was begun at 
New Haven, by a number of people directly from England, 
under the leading of Mr. Eaton and Mr. Davenport ; 
doubtless for the same reason the first three were planted, 
because they were not permitted, in their native country, 
to worship God in the manner they thought most accep* 



176 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

able to him. This settlement had, for some time, the 
name of the colony of New Haven, and was the fifth 
planted in New England ; but, in process of time, came 
to be united to, and swallowed up in the name of that of 
Connecticut, as New Plymouth also was in the Massa- 
chusetts. 

Some time in the same year, 1637, the first war broke 
out in New England, between the English and the In- 
dians ; this was with a powerful nation, or tribe Galled 
Pequots, who dwelt in the south-eastern part, of the colo- 
ny of Connecticut, and chiefly on the lands which now 
make the towns of Stonington and Groton. The occa- 
sion of this war was doubtless a jealousy in the Indians of 
the increasing numbers and growing power of the En- 
glish, who they saw had already dispersed themselves in- 
to all the principal parts of New England, and whose 
strength grew daily greater, by the addition of new com- 
ers, that joined them in their various plantations : That 
the manner in which they improved the land, and fed their 
domestick animals, some of which were now in the coun- 
try, must in a short time cut them off from the sea coasts, 
and quite deprive them of their various fisheries, a»d at 
the same time destroy their game in the woods, and in the 
end quite ruin their hunting. These being the principal 
sources of their scanty livelihood, no body can wonder 
they were alarmed at the dreadful mischiefs which threat- 
ened them ; and at length determined to extirpate by war, 
the late arrived people, who occasioned the danger, before 
their numbers and power were too much increased. In- 
deed, this was by much the most probable attempt ever 
made by the Indians, to cut off the English settlers, yet, 
as it were, in their very infancy, and now also greatly dis- 
persed ; Connecticut not of two years standing ; Provi- 
dence, though a year older, had but a handful of people ; 
the Massachusetts had been planted only seven years ; and 
Plymouth, that began seventeen years before, had not yet 
increased to any considerable number. Had these Indians 
succeeded in their attempts to unite all the neighbouring 
nations and tribes in this war, as a common cause, in 
which the loss or preservation of their country, and all 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 177 

they had was concerned, it must have been very difficult, 
if not impossible for the English, under their present cir- 
cumstances, to have defended themselves against so great 
a number of enemies : For it is said, at this time the 
Narragansets alone had four thousand fighting men ; by 
which some guess may be made of the strength of the 
other Indian nations who dwelt in New England. Here 
we shall have occasion to view Mr. Williams in, perhaps, 
the most useful and important part of his life : We have 
already seen him the founder of one colony, but must 
now consider him as a principal instrument in preserving 
them all. He, by great application, had made himself 
master of the Indian language, and by a courteous be- 
haviour to the natives, and a conduct honest and quite 
disinterested, had made himself highly respected by the 
Narraganset sachems and-all their people, and had at this 
time much more influence over them, than any other man 
ever had at any time. And as Joseph was sold by his 
envious brethren, with intent to get him out of their way, 
yet Divine Providence overruled this cruel action quite 
otherwise than they intended, and made it the means of 
their future preservation ; so the harsh treatment and cru- 
el exile of Mr. Williams, seem designed by his brethren 
for the same evil end, but was, by the goodness of the 
same overruling hand, turned to the most beneficent 
purposes. For no sooner was it known that the Pequots 
meditated a war with the English, than they, from every 
colony, applied to Mr. Williams, to use his influence with 
the Narragansets, and to prevent, if possible, their joining 
with the Pequots, in making war with them. This ser- 
vice he cheerfully undertook, and succeeded in it beyond 
their warmest expectations; for he prevailed with the 
Narraganset Indians, not only to remain in peace with the 
English, but to declare openly for them, and act offen- 
sively against the Pequots. This conduct of the most 
powerful nation in this part of the country, threw such 
a damp on the other neighbouring nations, that none of 
them joined with the Pequots, but left them to prosecute 
this war by themselves, and in which they were overcome 
by the English and their Indian allies ; and the war was 
vol. ix. 24 






m- 7 



178 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. U 



soon ended in the almost total extirpation of the whole 
Pequot race. 

In the beginning of the following year, 1638, Rhode 
Island, by the Indians called Aquetneck, was settled by 
a number of people that came from Boston, and some of 
the other towns near it. This settlement had its begin- 
ning from the same cause that most of the others in New 
England had ; to wit, religious disputes. The departure 
of Mr. Williams, and those who left the Massachusetts 
with him, or had since followed them, did not put an end 
to these controversies, but they kept increasing, and 
spreading further and further : One pretended errour pro- 
duced many more of the same kind, and so fruitful was 
this metaphysical mischief, that a synod being convened 
at Cambridge, in the year 1637, it very soon picked up, 
debated and condemned eightyerrours, and like other sy- 
nods before them, denied all mercy to those they suppos- 
ed held these errours, both in this world and the world 
to come. 

God Almighty, in the early age of the world, confound- 
ed the language of mankind, while they remained in. the 
plains of Shinar, and by that means caused them to dis- 
perse and people the whole earth ; so in the times I am 
writing of, he seems to have permitted discord, censori- 
ousness, and the most unforgiving temper of mind to pre- 
vail universally among the people, and to have made it a 
means of planting most parts of New England. When 
we look back upon these people, who were men of strong 
natural powers, and many of them had much learning ; 
had lately left their native country, and all its delights, 
forsook all for Christ's sake and the gospel, and removed 
into a wilderness ; were poor, were laborious, were pious, 
sincere Christians ; were devout and zealous to a fault ; 
supported the most unblameable moral character of any 
people in any age or country ; when after all this, and 
much more that might be truly said in their favour, to see 
them worrying one another without remorse, for mere tri- 
fles ; to view them pursuing each other to banishment, and 
even to death, as though they had dissolveo* every social 
engagement, and cut asunder every tender tie, and were 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 179 

abandoned to furious madness, and unrelenting cruelty, 
— what shall we say ? — what can we think ? — We can 
only deplore the miserable imperfections of human na- 
ture, and stand amazed at the stupendous miscarriages of 
the best of men ! 

The matters in dispute, and which were the ground of 
all these mighty contentions, and keen animosities, con- 
sisted chiefly^ in fine-spun subtilties, and useless metaphy- 
sical niceities ; from the knowledge, belief, or disbelief of 
which, mankind could be made neither wiser or better. 
Indeed, in what manner our religious ideas ought to be 
ranged, that is, which ought properly to precede, and 
which follow, was the principal point in dispute : And 
this grand unintelligible question, raised such contentions, 
and bred such uneasiness in the churches in the Massa- 
chusetts colony, that many of considerable note, for piety, 
for estate and family, and for usefulness, came to a deter- 
mination to remove once more into the wilderness, quite 
out of, and beyond the limits claimed by any of the colo- 
nies yet settled. The principal of these was William 
Coddington, Esq. the father of Rhode Island ; he was a 
gentleman of family, and of a competent fortune, was 
chosen an assistant of the Massachusetts colony, while 
they were in England, and came over to America with 
the governour, the charter, and the colony, in 1630, set- 
tled at Boston, and was one of Its first and most conside- 
rable merchants. Mr. John Clark was another ; a man 
of sound understanding, sufficient knowledge, and much 
usefulness ; who was afterwards this colony's agent in 
England, and procured its present charter ; he gathered, 
and was minister of the first Baptist church at Rhode Is- 
land.-^-Those who joined with them in this resolution to 
remove, were William Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, 
William Aspinwall, Samuel Wilbore, John Porter, John 
Sandford, Edward Hutchinson, Thomas Savage, Wil- 
liam Dyre, William Freeborn, Philip Shearman, John 
Walker, Richard Carder, William Baulston, Edward 
Hutchinson, jun. and Henry Bull. 

These having resolved to remove, sent Mr. John Clark, 
and another with him, to Providence, to advise with Mr. 



180 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

Williams on the business, and to be informed where they 
might find a convenient place to make their new settle- 
ment. Mr. Williams recommended two places to their 
consideration, one by the Indians called So-wames, being 
the lands in and about the present town of Warren ; the 
other, the Island called Aquetneck, now Rhode Island : 
But as they were determined to go out of every other ju- 
risdiction, that they might, if possible, avoid future con- 
troversies, and were in doubt whether these lands were 
not within the claim of Plymouth colony ; for clearing up 
that doubt, Mr. Williams accompanied Mr. Clark to Ply- 
mouth, where they were informed, that So-wames, was 
within, and esteemed as the very garden of that colony ; 
but that they had no claim to Aquetneck, and advised 
them to settle there, where they should be esteemed and 
treated as friends and neighbours. Upon that island they 
therefore now determined to sit down, if they could pro- 
cure it of the Indians ; and in order to do that, they pre- 
vailed on Mr. Williams to apply to the Narraganset sa- 
chem in their behalf, and, if possible, make a purchase of 
the said island for them. The king,, or sachem of the 
Narraganset Indians, at this time, and perhaps a year or 
two before, was the young Myantonomo ; Conanicus his 
uncle, having had the government of the kingdom, and 
guardianship of the young prince, during his minority, 
had, when he came to an, age fit to govern, delivered the 
regal authority, into the hands of this his nephew. To 
him, therefore, did Mr. Williams now make application, 
for the purchase of Rhode Island for his friends ; and at 
length prevailed with him to make a grant of that whole 
island to Mr. Coddington, Mr. Clark, and their associates, 
— The sachem's deed, or grant, was signed the 24th day 
of March, 1637—8, old style. 

The Indians seem not to have been induced to part 
with this island, so much in consideration of any price 
that was paid them for it, as out of the great love and re- 
gard they bore to Mr. Williams, as appears from the 
account he has left of this transaction, in his own hand 
writing. — " It was not price or money that could have 
purchased Rhode Island, but 'twas obtained by love, that 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 181 

love and favour which that honoured gentleman Sir Hen- 
ry Vane, and myself, had with the great sachem Myanto- 
nomo, about the league which I procured, between the 
Massachusetts English and the Narragansets, in the Pe- 
quot war." " For the Indians were very shy and jea- 
lous of selling the lands to any, and chose rather to make 
a grant (or gift) of them to such as they affected." 

Having thus fairly acquired a just title to the finest 
island that is on the whole sea coasts of the northern 
British colonies, as well for its form and situation, as its 
fertile soil, and beautiful bays, capacious, safe harbours, 
temperate climate, and healthful air, they immediately be- 
gan a settlement at the north-eastern part of the island, 
opposite to Mount Hope, and near a cove with a narrow 
entrance, which they esteemed to be a good harbour, and 
from which, it is probable, they named the place Ports- 
mouth. — Here they incorporated themselves into a kind 
of body politick, and chose Mr. Coddington to be their 
judge and chief magistrate. This was the beginning of 
the second town in the colony of Rhode Island ; and in 
the same year, considerable numbers from several towns 
in the Massachusetts, came and joined with them ; and 
so much were they increased, within the course of this 
whole year, that in the fore part of the next, they separat- 
ed ; and a part of them removed toward the south-west- 
ern end of the island, where the bay forms as it were a 
crescent into the land, and a small island stretching its 
length, between the two head lands, leaves at each end a 
convenient entrance into a safe and beautiful harbour. 
On the shores of this harbour they now began a new set- 
tlement; and as they had named that at the other end of the 
island Ports-mouth, from the narrow entrance of the har- 
bour ; so having found here another fine harbour, or port, 
they, for that reason, named this place New-Port. This 
town, thus began in the year 1639, was the third, in order 
of time, planted in the colony ; but the exceeding fertil- 
ity of its lands, its fine situation, the conveniency of its 
harbour, and affluent circumstances of its first inhabitants, 
all contributed to make it increase faster than any of the 
Others, and to become, in a few years, the most conside- 



182 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. 1. 

rable town in, and the metropolis of the colony-. Jus- 
tice requires that I should here, once for the whole, ac- 
knowledge, that I have borrowed a great part of this ac- 
count of the first settlement of Rhode Island, and some 
few other articles, made use of in the course of these pa- 
pers, from the century sermon of the late ingenious and 
worthy Mr. John Callender. 

Four years after the first coming to Providence, a set- 
tlement was began at a place about five miles southward 
from it, called by the Indians Pawtuxet, where a fine fresh 
river, known by the same name, falls into the Narraganset 
Bay, and within the purchase Mr. Williams had made of 
the Indians. This settlement was made by William Ar- 
nold, William Carpenter, Zechariah Rhodes, and William 
Harris, who all removed from Providence thither, and 
seem to be induced to make this remove for the sake of 
the fine natural meadows that were on both sides of the 
aforesaid river. — And here still remains a numerous pos- 
terity from each of these four first planters. 

The next plantation, began within this colony, was at 
a place by the Indians called Shaw-o-met, now known by 
the name of Warwick. Here a purchase was made of a 
tract of land, bounding northerly on Providence purchase, 
and to extend about four miles and an half south, and 
twenty miles west. This purchase was made in the be- 
ginning of the year 1643, of Myantonomo, by Randal 
Holdon, John Wickes, Samuel Gorton, John Greene, 
Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, John Warner, Rich- 
ard Carder, Sampson Shotton, Robert Potter, and Wil- 
liam Woodale. The settlement at this place, was began, 
as I have good reason to believe, a year or two earlier 
than this purchase of Myantonomo; these lands being 
first purchased of Pomham, a petty sachem, who with 
his tribe, were the possessors of it, and this purchase af- 
terward assented to, and confirmed by Myantonomo, the 
principal sachem. Be this as it will, this was the begin- 
ning of the fourth town in the colony, planted by people 
half from Providence, one from Rhode Island, and the 
rest, perhaps, new comers. 






i. 18$ 

The first form of government established by Mr, Wil- 
liams, and the people at Providence, seems to have been 
no more than a voluntary association, and compact, that 
each individual should submit to, and be governed by 
the resolutions and determinations of the whole body : All 
publick matters were transacted in their town meetings, 
and all private disputes and controversies were also heard, 
adjudged and finished there. They annually chose two 
officers, which were called town deputies t these had au- 
thority to keep the peace, to settle small disputes, to call 
town meetings, preside in them, and see their resolutions 
executed. And all new comers, before they were admit- 
ted as inhabitants, were obliged to make a solemn prom- 
ise, in the nature of an oath, in an open town meeting, 
that " they would submit themselves, in active and pas- 
sive obedience, to all such orders and agreements, as shall 
be made for the publick good of the body, in an orderly 
way, by the major consent of the inhabitants." And by 
the form of engagement given by officers, in the year 
1647, after the colony had obtained a charter, and es- 
tablished a body of laws, there is a plain allusion to 
this primitive government : The form runs thus; " You 
A. B. being called, and chosen by the free vote and con- 
sent of the inhabitants of this plantation, now orderly met, 

unto the office of do, in this present assembly, 

engage yourself faithfully, and truly to execute, all that is 
required from your office, in the body of laws agreed up- 
on by the whole colony, so far forth as the nature and 
constitution of this plantation will admit. Also you are 
faithfully and truly to execute, ail that is required from 
your office in our town book, concerning our town affairs, 
and, to do neither more, nor less, in these respects, than 
this town have, or shall authorize you to do, according to 
the best of your understanding." 

The government, established by Mr. Coddington, and 
the people at Rhode Island, appears to be nearly like that 
at Providence ; for though they chose one chief magis- 
trate, which they called by the name of governour, and 
four others, called assistants ; yet these seem like the de- 
puties at Providence, to be vested only with some exe- 



184 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

cutive powers, while the principal authorities, both legis- 
lative and judicial, rested in the body of the people, when 
met together in town meeting. And indeed, the author- 
ity of these town meetings, at this time, and long after- 
wards, was very great, and might be compared to the 
power of the common people of Athens or Rome ; for 
about the year 1653, an inhabitant of Newport, of very 
considerable note, was charged with a capital crime, and 
was brought before the town meeting, there tried, and 
condemned to death, and the sentence immediately exe- 
cuted in their presence. 

It being the resolution of those who came to Rhode 
Island, not to settle within the jurisdiction of any of the 
colonies that were already settled ; and they now consi- 
dered themselves, and were considered by others, as a 
separate, and independent government, and continued so 
for several years. What chiefly moved them to the 
aforesaid resolution, of living in a separate manner, was 
their desire and intention to enjoy and to maintain an ab- 
solute liberty of conscience, and entire freedom in all re- 
ligious matters. But after having lived some years in the 
neighbourhood of the Providence planters, and gained a 
certain knowledge of their principles and practices, they 
found that they had already established, and constantly 
and steadily maintained all the liberty and freedom they 
had been so desirous of, and had removed a second time to 
find. This union of sentiments, and of intentions, of the 
most noble and generous kind, soon produced a coalition 
of the people of Providence, and of those at Rhode Island, 
and an agreement, that they would unite and become one 
colony, and apply together to the crown for a charter of in- 
corporation. In consequence of this agreement, they joint- 
ly appointed Mr. Williams their agent, to go to England, 
and there solicit and conduct their affairs for them. Some 
time in the year 1642, Mr. Williams sailed for England ; 
and when he arrived there, found his native country 
involved in all the miseries of a furious civil war ; carried 
on by the king on one side, and his Parliament on the 
other : But as the Parliament were masters of the En- 
glish fleet, that, they supposed, gave them also the power 



ACCOUNT .OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 185 

of all the plantations abroad*; therefore they had appoint- 
ed Robert Earl of Warwick, president, and had joined a 
number of commissioners with him, and had given them 
power to take care of and transact all the plantation affairs. 
To these commissioners, therefore, did Mr. Williams now 
apply for a charter ; and as Sir Henry Vane, with whom 
he was well acquainted, and seems to have had a close 
friendship, was one of them, through his assistance, as 
Mr. Williams afterwards declared, he obtained his suit, 
and received a charter of incorporation ; which though its 
length must make tedious, yet as it is but little known, 
and is the first, and perhaps only one of its kiud, I will 
give it to my readers at full length, viz. 



" Whereas by an ordinance of the Lords and Com- 
mons, now assembled in Parliament, bearing date the 
second day of November, Anno Domini 1643, Robert 
Earl of Warwick is constituted, and ordained governour 
in chief, and lord high admiral of all those islands and 
other plantations inhabited or planted by, or belonging to 
any his majesty the King of England's subjects, (or which 
hereafter may be inhabited and planted by, or belong to 
them) within the bounds, and upon the coasts of America. 
And whereas the said lords have thought fit, and thereby 
ordained, that Philip Earl of Pembroke, Edward Earl of 
Manchester, William Viscount Say and Seal, Philip Lord 
Wharton, John Lord Rolle, members of the House of 
Peers. Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Baronet, Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
Baronet, Sir Henry Vane, jun. Knight, Sir Benjamin Rud- 
yard, Knight, John Pim, Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, 
Miles Corbet, Cornelius Holland, Samuel Vassal, John 
Rolle, and William Spurstow, Esqrs. members of the 
House of Commons, should be commissioners to join in 
aid and assistance with the said earl. And whereas, for 
the better government and defence, it is thereby ordain- 
ed, that the aforesaid governour and commissioners, or 
the greater number of them, shall have power, and au- 
thority, from time to time, to nominate, appoint, and 

vol, ix. 25 ' 



186 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

constitute all such subordinate governours, counsellors, 
commanders, officers, and agents, as they shall judge 
to be best affected, and most fit and serviceable for the 
said islands and plantations ; and to provide for, order 
and dispose all things, which they shall, from time to 
time, find most advantageous for the said plantations ; 
and for the better security of the owners and inhabitants 
thereof, to assign, ratify, and confirm, so much of 
their afore-mentioned authority and power, and in such 
manner, and to such persons as they shall judge to be fit 
for the better governing and preserving of the said planta- 
tions and islands, from open violences and private dis- 
turbances and distractions. And whereas there is a tract 
of land in the continent of America aforesaid, called by 
the name of the Narraganset Bay ; bordering northward 
and north-east on the patent of the Massachusetts, east 
and south-east on Plymouth patent, south on the ocean, 
and on the west and north-west by the Indians called 
Nahigganneucks, alias Narragansets ; the whole tract 
extending about twenty-five English miles, unto the 
Pequot River and country. 

" And whereas divers well affected and industrious 
English inhabitants, of the towns of Providence, Ports- 
mouth, and Newport, in the tract aforesaid, have adven- 
tured to make a nearer neighbourhood and society with 
the great body of the Narragansets, which may in time, 
by the blessing of God upon their endeavours, lay a sure 
foundation of happiness to all America. And have also 
purchased, and are purchasing of and amongst the said 
natives, some other places, which may be convenient both 
for plantations, and also for building of ships, supply of 
pipe staves, and other merchandise. And whereas the 
said English have represented their desire to the said earl, 
and commissioners, to have their hopeful beginnings ap- 
proved and confirmed, by granting unto them a free 
charter of civil incorporation, and government ; that they 
may order and govern their plantation in such a manner, 
as to maintain justice and peace, both among themselves, 
and towards all men with whom they shall have to do. 



I 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 187 



n due consideration of the said premises, the said Robert 
Earl of Warwick, governour in chief, and lord high admiral 
of the said plantations, and the greater number of the said 
commissioners, whose names and seals are here under- 
written and subjoined, out of a desire to encourage the 
good beginnings of the said planters, do, by the authority 
of the aforesaid ordinance of the lords and commons, give, 
grant, and confirm, to the aforesaid inhabitants of the towns 
of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, a free and abso- 
lute charter of incorporation, to be known by the name 
of The Incorporation of Providence Plantations, in the 
Narraganset Bay, in New England. — Together with full 
power and authority, to rule themselves, and such others 
as shall hereafter inhabit within any part of the said tract 
of land, by such a form of civil government, as by volun- 
tary consent of all, or the greater part of them, they shall 
find most suitable to their estate and condition ; and, for 
that end, to make and ordain such civil laws and consti- 
tutions, and to inflict such punishments upon transgressors, 
and for execution thereof, so to place, and displace offi- 
cers of justice, as they, or the greatest part of them, shall 
by free consent agree unto. Provided nevertheless, that 
the said laws, constitutions, and punishments, for the 
civil government of the said plantations, be conformable 
to the laws of England, so far as the nature and consti- 
tution of the place will admit. And always reserving to 
the said earl, and commissioners, and their successors, 
power and authority for to dispose of the general govern- 
ment of that, as it stands in relation to the rest of the 
plantations in America, as they shall conceive from time 
to time, most conducing to the general good of the said 
plantations, the honour of* his majesty, and the service of 
the state. And the said earl and commissioners do fur- 
ther authorize, that the aforesaid inhabitants, for the 
better transacting of their publick affairs, to make and 
use a publick seal, as the known seal of Providence 
Plantations, in the Narraganset Bay, in New England. 
In testimony whereof, the said Robert Earl of Warwick, 
and commissioners, have hereunto set their hands and 
seals, the fourteenth day of March, in the nineteenth 



188 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Charles, 
and in the year of our Lord God, 1643. 

ROBERT WARWICK, 
PHILIP PEMBROKE, 
SAY AND SEAL, 
P. WHARTON, 
ARTHUR HASLERIG, 
COR. HOLLAND, 
H. VANE, 
SAM. VASSAL, 
JOHN ROLLE, 
MILES CORBET, 
W. SPURSTOW." 



Mr. Williams having obtained this charter, how long 
it was before he returned is uncertain ; and as there is no 
particular form of government established by it, nor no 
officers, or offices, named or appointed, but the whole 
frame of government left to be modelled and established 
by the people here, it doubtless took much time before 
they could agree upon and settle a method that was pleas- 
ing to the major part of the people in all the four towns. 
For although Warwick be not named in the charter, yet, 
before the government was formed under it, that was be- 
come a town, and was named Warwick, in honor of the 
above-named Robert Earl of Warwick, and had all along, 
under that charter, an equal privilege, in all respects, with 
either of the three towns that were named in it. The form 
of government, at length agreed upon, was this. The 
freemen of the whole colony chose annually one chief offi- 
cer, which they called president, and eight assistants, two 
in each town ; and each of the four towns chose six repre- 
sentatives, at that time called commissioners: These had 
power, when regularly met together, to make such laws 
as they thought necessary ; but these laws, thus made, 
were to be sent to each town meeting, and there publick- 
ly read, and after due time was had for deliberation, the 
question was put, whether what had been then read should 
be received as a law or not. — If this question passed in 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 189 

the negative, in the major part of the towns, the law in 
question was made void ; if in the affirmative it was es- 
tablished. From this practice, came the common story, 
that some towns had heretofore repealed acts of the Gen- 
eral Assembly. By this it appears that the people did 
not trust the whole legislative authority, even to their own 
representatives, but kept at least a negative voice in their 
own hands. The president and assistants had the exe- 
cutive power, were judges of the courts of law, and kept 
the peace : The president sat as speaker in the assemblies 
of the representatives, and called them together on emer- 
gencies, was chairman in the courts of judicature, and all 
processes issued in his name. There was also chosen, 
yearly, a general recorder, and a general serjeant ; the of- 
fice of the first, was to make regular entries of all the do- 
ings of the assembly of representatives, and send copies 
to each town, and to execute the office of clerk to the 
courts of judicature. The duty of the latter was the same 
as that of sheriff at this day. The assistants in each town, 
besides keeping the peace, and determining small con- 
troversies, had the power of presiding in all town meet- 
ings, and of calling them on all emergent occasions. 
Each town also chose every year a town clerk, who en- 
tered all that was done in their town meetings, recorded 
all deeds, and land evidences, and all other publick mat- 
ters transacted in the town. They also chose six per- 
sons called a town council, who had the powers of a 
court of probate ; of granting licences to innkeepers and 
retailers ; and of the poor. A serjeant they also chose, 
whose office was that of a town sheriff. 

The form of government being settled, they now pre- 
pared such laws as were necessarv to enforce the due ad- 
ministration of it ; but the popular approbation their laws 
must receive, before they were valid, made this a work 
of time ; however, they were so industrious in it, that in 
the month of May, 1647, they completed a regular body 
of laws, taken chiefly from the laws of England, adding 
a very few of their own forming, which the circumstan- 
ces and exigencies of their present condition required. 
These laws, for securing of right, for determining contro- 



190 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. ,\ 

versies, for preserving order, suppressing vice, and pun- 
ishing offenders, were, at least, equal to the laws of any 
of the neighbouring colonies ; and infinitely exceeded 
those of all other Christian countries at that time, in this 
particular, — that they left the conscience free, and did 
not punish men for worshipping God in the way, they 
were persuaded, he required. — Here, although it be a de- 
parture from the order of time, I will draw into one view 
what yet remains to be said upon that liberty of conscience 
first allowed here. All Christians, from the beginning of 
the reformation to these times, when they were disturbed, 
and oppressed by the governing powers they lived under, 
on account of their religious principles or practices, had 
claimed, this natural right, a liberty of conscience in the 
ivorship of God. — And many of them had, with much 
learning, and great strength of reason, shewn, that it was 
a right they were naturally and justly entitled to; and 
of which the civil magistrate could not deprive them, 
without departing from his proper duty and office. But 
all of them, when they came to be possessed of power, 
had denied that indulgence to those who differed from 
them in religious sentiments, that they had pleaded so 
powerfully for when they suffered themselves : and this 
had constantly and universally been the case throughout 
Christendom, for many hundred years. — And Roger Wil- 
liams justly claims the honour of having been the first 
legislator, in the world, in its latter ages, that fully and ef- 
fectually provided for and established a free, full, and ab- 
solute liberty of conscience. This beneficent principle 
he made the foundation, and, as it were, the chief corner 
stone of his infant colony ; this was made the test of ad- 
mission, to all new comers ; this was the chief cause that 
united the inhabitants of Rhode Island and those of Prov- 
idence, and made them one people, and one colony. It 
was often objected. to Mr. Williams, that such great li- 
berty in religious matters, tended to licentiousness, and 
every kind of disorder : To such objections I will give the 
answer he himself made, in his own words, for thereby 
his real sentiments may be best discovered. 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 191 



" To the Town of Providence. 

*< Loving Friends and Neighbours, 

" It pleaseth God yet to continue this great liberty of 
our town meetings, for which, we ought to be humbly 
thankful, and to improve these liberties to the praise of the 
Giver, and to the peace and welfare of the town and colo- 
ny, without our own private ends. I thought it my du- 
ty, to present you with this my impartial testimony, and an- 
swer to a paper sent you the other day from my brother, 
— That it is blood- guiltiness, and against the rule of the 
gospel, to execute judgment upon transgressors, against 
the private or public weal. That ever I should speak 
or write a tittle that tends to such an infinite liberty of 
conscience, is a mistake ; and which I have ever disclaim- 
ed and abhorred. To prevent such mistakes, I at pre- 
sent shall only propose this case.— There goes many a 
ship to sea, with many a hundred souls in one ship, whose 
weal and wo is common ; and is a true picture of a com- 
monwealth, or an human combination, or society. It hath 
fallen out sometimes, that both Papists and Protestants, 
Jews and Turks, may be embarked into one ship. Upon 
which supposal, I do affirm, that all the liberty of con- 
science that ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two hin- 
ges, that none of the Papists, Protestants, Jews, or Turks, 
be forced to come to the ship's prayers or worship ; nor, 
secondly, compelled from their own particular prayers or 
worship, if they practise any. I further add, that I never 
denied that, notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of 
this ship ought to command the ship's course ; yea, andalso 
to command that justice, peace, and sobriety, be kept and 
practised, both among the seamen and all the passengers. 
If any seamen refuse to perform their service, or pas- 
sengers to pay their freight ; — if any refuse to help in 
person or purse, towards the common charges, or de- 
fence ; — if any refuse to obey the common laws and or- 
ders of the ship, concerning their common peace and 
preservation ; — if any shall mutiny and rise up against 
their commanders, and officers ; — if any shall preach or 



192 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

write, that there ought to be no commanders, nor offi- 
cers, because all are equal in Christ, therefore no mas- 
ters, nor officers, no laws, nor orders, no corrections nor 
punishments — I say, I never denied, but in such cases, 
whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders 
may judge, resist, compel, and punish such transgres- 
sors, according to their deserts and merits. This, if 
seriously and honestly minded, may, if it-sp please the 
Father of lights, let in some light, to such as willingly 
shut not their eyes. I remain, studious of our common 

peace and liberty, 

ROGER WILLIAMS." 



This religious liberty was not only asserted in words, 
but uniformly adhered to and practised ; for in the } r ear 
1656, soon after the Quakers made their first appearance 
in New England, and at which most of these colonies were 
greatly alarmed and offended : Those at that time called, 
the four united colonies, which were the Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, wrote to this 
colony, to join with them in taking effectual methods to 
suppress them, and prevent their pernicious doctrines be- 
ing spread and propagated in the country. — To this re- 
quest the Assembly of this colonv gave the following wor- 
thy answer: " We shall strictly adhere to the foundation 
principle on which this colony was first settled ; to wit, 
that every man who submits peaceably to the civil autho- 
rity, may peaceably worship God according to the dictates 
of his own conscience, without molestation." And not 
to the people of the neighbouring governments only, was 
this principle owned ; but it was asserted in their appli- 
cations to the ruling powers in the mother country ; for 
in the year 1659, in an address of this colony to Richard 
Cromwell, then lord protector of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, there, is this paragraph, — " May it please your 
highness to know, that this poor colony of Providence 
Plantations, mostly consists of a birth and breeding of 
the providence of the Most High. — We being an out- 
cast people, formerly from our mother nation, in the bish- 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 193 

ops' days ; and since from the rest of the New English 
over-zealous colonies : Our frame being much like the 
present frame and constitution of our dearest mother En- 
gland ; bearing with the several judgments, and con- 
sciences, each of other, in all the towns of our colony. — 
The which our neighbour colonies do not ; which is the 
only cause of their great offence against us." 

But as every human felicity has some attendant mis- 
fortune, so the people's enjoyment of very great liberty, 
hath ever been found to produce some disorders, factions, 
and parties amongst them ; and for this evil there is no 
remedy : But the mischiefs that would flow from it must 
be averted by the personal virtue and steady perseverance 
Of the wise and good among them ; and no longer than 
a sufficient number of such can be found, to guide and 
to withstand the headlong passions of the giddy multi- 
tude, can liberty be supported. The mischiefs of par- 
ties, and of factions, the natural consequence of great li- 
berty, made an early appearance in this colony : But there 
were then found also, patriots enough in it to prevent their 
malevolent effects. (May the. writer of these papers be 
permitted here to call upon the patriots of the present 
age, to arise, and imitate their great ancestors, and ex- 
ert themselves in saving their unhappy country from par- 
ties, from factions, and from ruin.) — And as the best and 
most useful men, have ever, in all free states, been the 
subject of popular clamour and censure, so we find that 
Mr. Williams did not escape the rude attacks of the li- 
centious tongue of freedom : However, in imitation of a 
noble Greek, he thanks God, that he had been the author 
of that very liberty, by which they dare to abuse him ; and 
expostulates with the people in these words, — " I am told 
that I am a traitor — and as good as banished by your- 
selves ; — that both sides wished I might have never land- 
ed here again, that so, the fire of contention might have 
had no stop in burning. — I, at last, was forced to say, 
they might well silence all complaints, if I once began to 
complain, who was importunately drawn from my em- 
ployment, and sent so vast a distance from my family, 
to do your work of a costly and high nature, for so long a 

vol. ix. 26 



194 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

time ; and there left to starve, or steal, or beg, or bor- 
row. But blessed be God, who gave me favour to bor- 
row one while, and to work another, and thereby to pay 
your debts, and to come over, with your credit and ho- 
nour, as your agent : Yet I may say, you seem to have 
provided a sponge to wipe off all your scores and debts. 
But gentlemen, blessed be God who faileth not, and bless- 
ed be his name for his wonderful providence, by which 
alone this town and colony, and the grand cause of truth 
and freedom of conscience, hath been upheld to this day ; 
and blessed be his name, who hath again quenched so 
much of the fire of contention among brethren." 

It must be confessed, the historians and ministers of 
the neighbouring colonies, in all their writings for a long 
time, represented the inhabitants of this colony as a com- 
pany of people who lived without any order, and quite re- 
gardless of all religion ; and this, principally, because they 
allowed an unlimited liberty of conscience, which was then 
interpreted to be profane licentiousness, as though religion 
could not subsist without the support of human laws, 
and Christians must cease to be so, if they suffered any 
of different sentiments to live in the same country with 
them. Nor is it to be wondered at, if many among them 
that first came hither, being tinctured with the same bit- 
ter spirit, should create much disturbance ; nor that 
others, when got clear of the fear of censure and punish- 
ment, should relax too much, and behave as though 
they were become indifferent about religion itself. 
With people of both these characters, the fathers of this 
colony had to contend : On one hand, to guard and to 
maintain that sacred liberty and freedom they had estab- 
lished ; and on the other, to prevent and suppress that 
licentiousness too naturally flowing from it. For quiet- 
ing and healing the breaches and animosities occasioned 
by these contrary extremes, and arising from other cau- 
ses also, Sir Henry Vane sent a letter to the colony, dat- 
ed the 8th of February, 1653, in which he complains of 
their disorders, exhorts them to peace and unanimity, 
and severely rebukes them for the ill use they make of 
their great liberty: To this letter the town of Provi- 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 195 

dence returned an answer in Mr. Williams's writing, as 
followeth : " The first beginning of this Providence co- 
lony was occasioned by the banishment of some from the 
Massachusetts — We were in complete order until we 
were greatly disturbed and distracted by the ambition 
and covetousness of some, who wanting that public self- 
denying spirit, which you commend to us in your letter, 
occasioned our general disturbance and distraction. — Pos- 
sibly some of ourselves are grown wanton and too active ; 
for we have long drank of the sweet cup of as great liber- 
ties as any people that we can hear of under the whole 
heaven — We have not only been free from the iron yokes 
of wolfish bishops, but have sitten quiet, and dry from 
the streams of blood, spilt by the civil war in our na- 
tive country. We have not felt the new chains of the 
Presbyterian tyrants, nor been consumed by the over- 
zealous fire of those called godly Christian magis- 
trates. We have almost forgot what tythes are ; yea, 
and taxes too ; either to church or commonwealth. We 
have also enjoyed other sweet privileges, and such, you 
know, are very powerful to render the best of men wan- 
ton and forgetful.— -We hope you shall have no more oc- 
casion to complain of the men of Providence town, or 
Providence colony ; but that when we are gone and rot- 
ten, our posterity, and children after us, shall read in 
our town records, your pious and favourable letters 
and loving-kindness to us, and this our answer, and real 
endeavours after peace and righteousness." 

And in this age it seemed to be doubted whether a 
civil government could be kept up and supported without 
some particular mode of religion was established by its 
laws, and guarded by penalties and tests : And for deter- 
mining this doubt, by an actual trial, appears to have 
been the principal motive with King Charles the Second, 
for granting free liberty of conscience to the people of 
this colony, by his charter of 1663, — in which he makes 
use of these words : " That they might hold forth a live- 
ly experiment, that a most flourishing civil state may 
stand, and best be maintained, and that amongst our En- 
glish subjects, with a full liberty in religious concern* 



196 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

ments. And that true piety, rightly grounded on gospel 
principles, will give the best and greatest security to sove- 
reignty, and will la} in the hearts of men the strongest 
obligations to true loyalty." This great experiment hath 
been made, and hath fully answered the expectations of 
the beneficent royal mind that proposed it ; and it hath 
fully appeared, that a flourishing civil state, and the most 
unstained loyalty, may stand without the help of any re- 
ligious party tests to support them ; and that the Christian 
religion is as little indebted to human laws for its sup- 
port, as it is to human inventions, for the purity of its 
morals, and the sublimity of its doctrines. And Chris- 
tian societies in this colony have not, as Mr. Neal ex- 
presses it, "crumbled to pieces," but have kept togeth- 
er, and behaved as well as those who have lived under 
the severest penal laws ; and those of all the various de- 
nominations amongst Protestants, have lived here in peace 
and love, and have ever shewn more kindness and charity 
one for another, than hath commonly been found amongst 
brethren of the same communion in the neighbouring 
governments. And as equal liberty and protection hath 
been all along allowed to every society, this hath prevent- 
ed any emulation amongst them for superiority and pow- 
er ; but hath excited one of a much more laudable na- 
ture, that is, which should adorn their profession most, 
by practising every Christian virtue and duty, But long 
experience hath at last convinced all men, that religious 
liberty is not incompatible with civil government, and 
the peace and welfare of mankind ; and therefore that 
perfect liberty of conscience, first began by Roger Wil- 
liams, and first practised in his little town of Providence, 
hath spread itself, and is at this day established, in some 
degree, in every part. of the British dominions. 

To return to the order of time from which I have di- 
gressed. — The first church formed at Providence, by Mr. 
Williams and others, seems to have been on the model 
of the Congregational churches in the other New England 
colonies. But it did not continue long in this form ; for 
most of its members very soon embraced the principles 
and practices of the Baptists ; and some time earlier than 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 197 

1639, gathered and formed a church at Providence, of 
that society, the principal members of which were Wil- 
liam Wickenden, the first elder, Chadd Brown, Thomas 
Olney, Gregory Dexter, John Throckmorton, Ezekiel 
Holliman, Stukely Wescot, &c. That this church was 
begun as early as I have placed it, is evident, from a let 
ter of the famous Hugh Peters, minister of Salem, to the 
church at Dorchester, dated the first of the fifth month, 
1639, in which he writes, 

" Reverend and dearly beloved in the Lord — 

"We thought it our bounden duty to acquaint 
you with the names of such persons as have had the 
great censure passed upon them, in . this our church, 
with the reasons thereof. Roger Williams, and his wife, 
John Throckmorton, and his wife, Thomas Olney, and 
his wife, Stukely Wescot, and his wife, Mary Holliman, 
widow Reeves; — These wholly refused to hear the 
church, denying it, and all the churches in the bay, to be 

true churches, and, except two, are all re-baptized.- 

Yours in the Lord Jeses, 

HUGH PETERS."* 

There seems to have been but one society or meeting 
of the Baptists, formed in the English nation, before this 
at Providence, and that was in London, under the pasto- 
ral care of Mr. John Spilsbury, on the 12th of Septem- 
ber, 1633* The second in England was, in 1639, gather- 
ed by Mr. Greene, and others. This first church of 
Baptists, at Providence, hath from its beginning kept it- 
self in repute, and maintained its discipline, so as to avoid 
scandal, or schism, to this day ; hath always been, and 
still is a numerous congregation, and in which I have 
with pleasure observed, very lately, sundry descendants 
from each of the above-named founders, except Holliman. 

The records concerning lands first begin to appear 
about the year 1643, in the Providence books.— Whether 
their first books of records were lost in the Indian war, 

* The original letter being now before us, we remark its signature is 
Hu. Peter, not Peters. Ed. 



198 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

or none were made, before this time, I have been able 
to gain no information. From this time forward, returns 
of surveys, and deeds of land are constantly found entered 
on the records. The deeds of that age differ so widely 
from the formal tautology of our present deeds, that one 
of them, as a specimen of the simplicity of our ancestors, 
may not be disagreeable to the reader. 

"The 27th of the 11th month, 1644, William Field 
sold unto William Wickenden, all the share of land 
called six acres, lying upon the hill, called Foxe's Hill ; 
bounding on the east and south-east with the land of 
Francis Wickes, and on the north and north-east with 
the highway, on the west and north-west with Mile-end 
Cove, on the south with the sea." 

All the deeds of land in Providence, down to the year 
1660, will be found nearly in the same form ; but these 
deeds were made, or, at least, solemnly acknowledged by 
the grantor, in an open town meeting ; and if the town 
approved of the sale, they, by a vote, ordered the deed 
to be immediately recorded ; and this made the convey- 
ance valid ; but if the town disapproved of the bargain, 
the whole was void. — Whether any later invented method 
of conveying lands hath been better adapted to prevent 
overreaching and fraud, is left to every honest man to 
determine. Indeed, in these days, they took so much 
care one of another, that a man was not permitted to sell 
his own lands without leave of the town ; for in 1652, I 
find, one Richard Pray petitioned the town that he might 
be permitted to sell some land of his own ; and his re- 
quest was granted. 

The first settlement in the Narraganset country was 
began in the year 1643, by Mr. Richard Smith, who set 
up a trading house in what is now called North Kings- 
town, at the place where the mansion house of the Up- 
dike family now stands : And Mr. Williams, and one 
Mr. Wilcox, soon after, set up another in the same part 
of the country ; and some few plantations thereabouts 
were purchased of the Indians, and settled about the 
same time, or not long after. 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 199 

The same year affords an instance of a very arbitrary 
exertion of power, by the Massachusetts colony, against 
the inhabitants of the town of Warwick, in this colony. 
Mr. Samuel Gorton, born in London, of a good family, 
was a man of good learning, though not bred at any uni- 
versity, came from England to Boston, in the year 1636 ; 
but his religious opinions not agreeing with the standard 
established there, he removed first to Plymouth, then to 
Rhode Island, afterwards to Providence, and at last, he, 
and his partners, before named, sat down at Warwick, 
and purchased the lands there. The Massachusetts 
government did not think fit to let them rest in quiet. — 
To give their proceedings some colour, they induced 
Pomham, the petty sachem, who dwelt on the lands about 
Warwick, to come to Boston, and to put himself and his 
lands under their protection, although they knew very 
well he had before sold all his right to those lands, to the 
Warwick purchasers, and that the lands lay more than 
twenty miles without their jurisdiction. — Pomham's sub- 
mission was made the 22d of the 4th month, 1643. 
Upon this Myantonomo, the great sachem of the Narra- 
gansets, who was principal in selling the Warwick lands, 
was sent for to Boston, to shew what right he had to his 
kingdom, before the General Court of the Massachusetts : 
— He appeared, acknowledged his sale to the Warwick 
people, and averred his right to make it. The General 
Court were pleased to say, he had not made out his right 
to the Indian country, to their satisfaction. Having taken 
these previous steps, on the 12th of September, a sum- 
mons was sent to the Warwick men, to appear before 
the General Court at Boston, to answer the complaint 
of Pomham and other Indians. To this the Warwick 
men answered, that they were not within the jurisdiction 
of the Massachusetts colony, and therefore refused to 
obey the summons. — This answer was called a high 
contempt. — -Thereupon, on the 19th of the same month, 
forty armed men were sent under Captain George Cook, 
who, after a short siege, took Mr. Gorton, and eleven 
other principal inhabitants of the town of Warwick, 
and all their cattle, being eighty head, and such house- 



200 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

hold goods as they could transport (destroying all the re- 
mainder) and carried them away to Boston, leaving their 
stripped and miserable families to the mercy of the more 
humane savages. Mr. Gorton and his fellows were 
confined in prison until the General Court sat at Boston, 
before whom they were brought for trial. But as they 
were now in safe custody, nothing is heard further of the 
complaint of Pomham, and the Indians : — Quite other 
matters are now laid to their charge, and after various 
altercations, the accusation against them was formed in 
these words, — " Upon much examination, and serious 
consideration of your writings, with your answers about 
them, we do charge you to be a blasphemous enemy of 
the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and his holy 
ordinances ; and also of civil authority amongst the people 
of God, and particularly in this jurisdiction." Upon this 
ridiculous and general charge, in which there is not a 
single fact alleged, to which any answer could possibly 
be given, these twelve persons were tried for their lives. — 
Gorton's writings were produced as evidence against 
them. — These he explained in such a manner, that 
Governour Winthrop, in open court, declared he could 
agree with them : But all were not to be satisfied so easily; 
and when the hearing of the cause was concluded, whether 
they should suffer death, or not, was the question put, 
and passed in the negative by a majority of two voices 
only. Although Mr. Gorton and his companions escaped 
with their lives, they did not escape a severe and very 
cruel sentence ; they were doomed, each to a different 
town in the neighbourhood of Boston, (Gorton's lot was 
Charlestown) there to remain during the pleasure of the 
court ; each was to wear a great iron chain bolted fast to 
his leg, and in this condition to get his living by his 
labour, or starve ; for the people were strictly forbid to 
give them any kind of relief : They were not to speak to 
any person, on any account whatever, except an officer in 
either church or state, on pain of death ; and were not to 
say any thing to them about religion, or to complain of 
hard usage from the government, on pain of the same 
penalty. In this condition they were kept one whole cold 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 201 

winter, and then the court banished them out of their 
jurisdiction, not to return into it again, on pain of death. — 
That is, they were permitted to go home to Warwick, 
from whence they had been brought by violence, but 
none of their cattle, or other goods, were ever restored 
to them. 

Soon after the Warwick men were at liberty, they pro- 
cured the Narraganset sachems to make a solemn sub- 
mission of themselves, their people, and country, to King 
Charles the First, begging his protection. — The instru- 
ment of submission bears date the 19th August, 1644. — 
For it seems these sachems, as well as the Warwick peo- 
ple, thought it necessary to apply to the British crown, 
for protection against the arbitrary proceedings of the 
Massachusetts government : But it was unhappy for My- 
antonomo, that the king of England was, at this time, 
unable to afford him any protection, and that their unhap- 
py fates too much resembled one another. The submis- 
sion of the Indians, together with a complaint against the 
Massachusetts government, was carried to England by 
Mr. Gorton, Mr. John Greene, afterwards deputy gover- 
nour of this colony, and one of its most considerable men, 
and Mr. Randal Holden. They obtained an order from 
the Earl of Warwick, and the other commissioners for 
plantation affairs, directed to the Massachusetts colony, 
expostulating with them for want of charity, and for 
severity, and requiring them to give the Warwick people 
no further molestation, on account of their religion, or of 
their lands, and to permit them to pass peaceably through 
their government. This order was- obeyed with great re- 
luctancy by the Massachusetts authority, who also here- 
upon sent an agent to England, to make answer to the 
complaints of Gorton and his friends ; and this agent 
chiefly insisted, not that what they had acted was right, 
but that the doings of the Massachusetts colony were not 
subject to any re-examination in England. 

About this time a war broke out between the Narra- 
ganset Indians, and a nation or tribe of Indians called Mo- 
hegins, who lived near the sea coast, on the lands between 
Connecticut River and Quinnibaug River. In an engage- 

vol. ix. 27 



202 ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R, I. 

ment between them, it happened that Myantonomo, the 
young king of the Narragansets, was taken prisoner by 
Uncas, king of the Mohegins. The savage soul of 
Uncas doubted whether he ought to take away the life of 
a great king, who had fallen into his hands by misfortune ; 
and to resolve this doubt, he applied to the Christian 
commissioners of the four united colonies, who met at 
Hartford, in September, 1644 : They were less scrupu- 
lous, and ordered Uncas to carry Myantonomo out of their 
jurisdiction, and slay him ; but kindly added, that he 
should not be tortured ; they sent some persons to see 
execution done, who had the satisfaction to see the cap- 
tive king murdered in cold blood. This was the end of 
Myantonomo, the most potent Indian prince the people 
of New England had ever any concern with ; and this 
was the reward he received for assisting them seven years 
before, in their war with the Pequots, Surely a Rhode 
Island man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, 
and drop a tear on the ashes of Myantonomo, who, with 
his uncle Conanicus, were the best friends and greatest 
benefactors the colony ever had : They kindly received, 
fed, and protected the first settlers of it, when they were 
in distress, and were strangers and exiles, and all man- 
kind else were their enemies ; and by this kindness to 
them, drew upon themselves the resentment of the neigh- 
bouring colonies, and hastened the untimely end of the 
young king. 

The Narragansets were greatly and justly enraged at 
the death of their sachem, more especially as they affirm- 
ed they had paid Uncas a ransom for him before he was 
slain, and therefore now resolved to take vengeance of the 
Mohegins. This the united colonies were determined 
to prevent ; and first sent messengers, to exhort them to 
make peace with the Mohegins, and offered to become 
mediators between them : — The Narragansets rejected 
this offer, and resolutely answered, they would continue 
the war till they had Uncas's head. Upon this the united 
colonies raised an army of three hundred men, part of 
which having marched, and being ready to enter their 
country, the Narragansets not thinking themselves able 



ACCOUNT OF PROVIDENCE, R. I. 203 

to support a war against both the English and Mohegins 
together, were forced to submit to the hard terms 
imposed on them by the commissioners ; and which 
were, — That they should make peace with Uncas, and 
restore all they had taken from him ;-— that they should 
not hereafter make war with any people, without leave 
first obtained ;— that they should pay to the united colo- 
nies two thousand fathom of wampum-peagi for the ex- 
penses they had been at ; and give hostages for the per- 
formance of these articles. These terms were submitted 
to by the Narraganset Indians On the 30th of August, 
1645. How far the united colonies were justifiable in 
the whole of this their conduct, toward a free and inde- 
pendant prince and people, who lived quite without the 
jurisdiction of any of their governments, and who had 
never been enemies, but always friends and allies to 
them, must be left to civilians to determine. Be that as 
it will, it is certain, these things greatly alienated the 
minds of the Indians from the English, and filled them 
with prejudices that could never afterwards be removed. 
And this will, in some measure, account for their obsti- 
nate refusal to receive or hear any of the ministers and 
missionaries that came from these colonies, as we are 
told by historians they constantly did ; for these Indians 
seem to have thought no good could possibly be intended 
for them, by the people from whom, as they imagined, 
they had received so great injuries. That this was the 
cause, and not any aversion to the Christian religion, as 
has been commonly represented, is evident from their 
willingness to hear Mr. Williams, who, for many years, 
went to Narraganset, once a month, to preach Christianity 
to them. 

[The publisher added, at the close, to be continued, but the author was 
probably interrupted by the distractions of the times, and we are left to regret, 
that the History has never been written, or at least never printed, Ed.] 



204 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Number of Dwelling Houses, Stores and Publick 
Buildings, in Boston, taken from actual enume- 
ration, July, 1789. 

Note, the buildings are enumerated in the several squares, which 
are designated by expressing the streets which form them. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


THE Neck. 


10 


4 


Mint 1 


Fortification. 
Orange Street. 
Castle Street. 
Harbour. 


14 


9 




Fortification. 
Orange Street. 
Castle Street. 
Cambridge Bay. 


19 


7 




Castle Street. 
Orange Street. 
Pleasant Street. 
Cambridge Bay. 


14 


2 


Writing ) 
School > . . 1 
House. ) 


Castle Street. 
Orange Street. 
Bennet Street. 
Harbour. 


20 


9 




Bennet Street. 
Orange Street. 
Harvard Street. 
Harbour. 


7 


3 




Pleasant Street. 
Orange Street. 
% y Clough Street. 

£ Holyoke Street. 
Eliot Street. 


23 


3 




Carried over, 


107 


37 


....... 2 



* Nassau Street. 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON. 



1789. 



205 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


107 


37 | 2 


Orange Street. 
Clough Street. 
Holjoke Street. 
Hollis Street. 


12 




South End ^ 
Meeting > . 1 
House. ) 


Hollis Street. 
Orange Street. 
Eliot Street. 
Holjoke Street. 
A court. 


17 






Eliot Street. 
Orange Street. 
*Frog Lane. 
Holjoke Street. 


18 


2 


DuckManu-") 
factor j. ) 


Eliot Street. 
Holjoke Street. 
Frog Lane. 
Pleasant Street. 


16 






Harvard Street. 
Orange Street. 
Beach Street. 
Harbour. 


8 


4 




Beach Street. 
Orange Street. 
Essex Street. 
Rainsford Lane. 


13 


1 




Rainsford Lane. 
Essex Street. 
South Street. 
Harbour. 


27 




Glass ) 
House, j 


South Street. 
Harbour to Wheel- 
er's Point. 
Sea Street. 
Summer Street. 


38 






Carried over, 


256 


44 


3 



Boylston Street. 



206 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


256 


44 | 3 


From Wheeler's 
Point to Bull's 
Wharf, thro' Sea 
Street. 

Harbour. 


4 


2 




South Street. 
Summer Street. 
Blind Lane. 
Short Street. 
Essex Street. 


19 






Short Street. 
Essex Street. 
Newbury Street. 
A court. 
Pond Street. 


44 




| 


Newbury Street. 
Gibbon's Court. 
Another court. 
Frog Lane. 
Common Street. 
Sheaf's Lane. 


33 






Sheaf's Lane. 
Newbury Street. 
West Street. 
Common Street. 


23 




Writing } 
School > . . 1 
House. ) 


Common Street. 
Frog Lane. 
Cambridge Bay. 
Beacon Street. 
*Sentry Street. 






A Burying Ground. 
The Common. 


Common Street. 
West Street. 
Newbury Street. 
A court. 
Winter Street. 


29 






Carried over, 408 | 46 | ...... 4 



* Park Street 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



207 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, | 408 


46 


4 


Newbury Street. 
A court. 
Pond Street. 
*Blind Lane. 
Summer Street. 


33 




New South } 
Meeting V 1 
House. ) 


Winter Street. 
Common Street. 
Bromfield's Lane. 
Marlboro' Street. 


25 


1 


Bank. 


Marlboro' Street. 
Summer Street. 
tBishop's Alley. 
JVincent's Lane. 


16 


2 


Trinity > 1 
Church y 


Vincent's Lane. 
Marlboro' Street. 
Milk Street. 
Bishop's Alley. 


20 


2 




Bishop's Alley. 
Milk Street. 
A court. 
Federal Street. 
|| Cow Lane. 
Summer Street. 


35 












Summer Street. 
Cow Lane. 


7 






Crooked Alley. 
Purchase Street. 






Purchase Street. 
Summer Street. 
Flounder Lane to 
Tilestone's Wharf. 


7 


1 




From Tilestone's 
Wharf to Bull's, 
thro' Flounder fe 

Harbour. 


2 


3 




Carried over, j 553 | '55 6 



* East part of Pond St. f Hawley St. \ Franklin St. || High St. 



208 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1798. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


553 


55 


6 


From Tilestone's 
Wharf to Foster's, 
thro' Purchase St. 
and Belcher's L. 

Harbour. 


19 


20 




Purchase Street. 
Crooked Alley. 
Cow Lane. 
Gray's Lane. 


14 


2 




Cow Lane. 
Atkinson Street. 
Round Lane. 
Federal Street. 


15 






Round Lane. 
Atkinson Street. 
Berry Street. 
Sister Street. 


8 






Round Lane. 
Sister Street. 
Berry Street. 
Federal Street. 


7 






Berry Street. 
Federal Street. 
Milk Street. 
Atkinson Street. 


14 




Federal ) 
Meeting > . 1 
House. ) 


Atkinson Street. 
Milk Street. 
^Hutchinson Street. 
Cow Lane. 


11 


4 




Cow Lane. 
Gray's Lane. 
Purchase Street. 
Tilley's Lane. 


2 


1 




Carried over, 


643 


82 


...... 7 



* Pearl Street. 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



209 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


643 | 


7 


Cow Lane. 
Tilley's Lane. 
Purchase Street. 
Gridley's Lane. 


4 






Cow Lane. 
Gridley's Lane. 
Purchase Street 
Gibbs' Lane. 


16 






Cow Lane. 
Hutchinson Street. 
Milk Street. 
Oliver Street, over 
Fort Hill. 


7 






Cow Lane. 
Gibbs' Lane. 
Purchase Street. 
Sconce Street. 


2 






Belcher's Lane. 

Sconce Street, over 
Fort Hill, to 
Oliver Street. 

Milk Street. 

Battery March. 


33 


1 




From Foster's wharf, 
through Battery 
March, to Crane's 
Wharf. 

Harbour. 


6 




• 


Milk Street, round to 

Water Street. 
Board Alley. 


3 






Board Alley. 
Milk Street. 
Kilby Street. 
Water Street. 


2 






Carried over, 


716 


83 


7 



VOL. IX, 



28 



210 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


716 ; ' 


Milk Street. 
Kilby Street. 
Water Street. 
Tanner's Lane. 


9 


1 




Milk Street. 
Tanner's Lane. 
Water Street. 
Dalton Street. 


8 






Milk Street. 
Dalton Street. 
Water Street. 
*JolifT's Lane. 


13 






Milk Street. 
Joliff's Lane. 
Spring Lane. 
Marlboro' Street. 


8 


2 


Old South \ 
Meeting > . I 
House. ) 


Spring Lane. 
Water Street. 
Cornhill. 


3 






Marlboro' Street. 
A court. 

Bromfield's Lane. 
Governor's Alley. 
School Street. 


25 


1 


Province v 
House, / <h 
Romish ( 
Chapel. / 


Bromfield's Lane. 
Governor's Alley. 
School Street. 
Cook's Court. 
Long Acre. 


15 




South Latin ) 
School > j 
House. ) 


Long Acre. 
Common Street. 
Sentry Street. 
Beacon Street. 
School Street. 


7 




Burying Ground. 
Granary. \ 
Work-house. / ji 
Bridewell. i 
Alms-house. ) 


Carried over, | 804 | 87 15 



South part of Devonshire Street 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



211 



Squares. Houses. Stores. Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 804 | 87 | 15 


School Street. 
Tremont Street. 
A court. 
Court Street. 
Cornhill. 
Williams's Court. 




49 






Burjing Ground. 

Court House. \ 
Jail. 1 4 
Old Brick. ( 4 
Chapel. J 


Cornhill. 
Water Street. 
Devonshire Street. 
State Street. 


'22 


! 3 


'' 


State Street. 
Cornhill. 






State > - 
House. £ 


State Street. 
Half Court Square. 
Devonshire Street. 
Water Street. 
^Leverett's Lane. 


23 




1 


Quaker 
Meeting 
House. 
School 
House. ;J 


> ... 2 


Leverett's Lane. 
Water Street. 
Kilbj Street. 
LendalPs Lane. 




2 




School > | 
House. ) 


State Street. 
Leverett's Lane. 
LendalPs Lane. 
Kilbj Street. 


19 


4 




Kilbj Street. 
Doane's Street. 
Marshall's A. round 
to Doane's Street. 


6 








Marshal's A. round 
to Kilbj Street. 


4 


3 




Doane's St. round to 

Crane's Wharf; 
Harbour, 


1 




7 




Carried over, 


930 


105 


...-••. 23 



Congress Street. 



212 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


930 


105 | 23 


State Street. 
Kilby Street. 
Doane's Street. 
Alley into State St. 


2 


7 




State Street. 
Alley into State St. 
Doane's Street. 
Alley into State St. 


1 


. 7 




State Street. 
Alley into State St. 
Doane's Street. 
Head of Long Wharf. 




7 




Long Wharf and 
Minot's T. 


1 


74 




State Street. 

Merchant's Row, in- 
cluding all the 
wharves, to Town 
Dock. 

Harbour. 


2 


63 




State Street. 
Merchant's Row. 
A court. 
Corn Market. 
Corn Court. 
Pierce's Alley. 


17 


12 




State Street. 
Pierce's Alley. 
Corn Market. 
*Shrimpton's Lane. 


13 






State Street. 
Shrimpton's Lane. 
Dock Square. 
Wilson's Lane. 


11 


1 




Carried over, 


977 | 276 


23 



Exchange Street 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



213 



Squares. 



Houses. Stores. 



Publick Buildings, &c. 



Brought over, 


977 | 


276 | 


23 


State Street. 
Wilson's Lane. 
Cornhill. 


20 


3 




Cornhill. 
Loring's Alley. 
Brattle Street. 
Dorset Alley. 
Court Street. 


25 


1 




Dorset Alley. 
Court Street. 
Hiller's Lane. 


9 






Court Street. 
Treino.it Street. 


6 




Writing School ") , 
House. ) 


Court Street. 
Hiller's Lane. 
Brattle Street. 
*Wing's Lane. 
Hanover Street. 


24 




Concert Hall. 


Hanover Street. 
Sudbury Street. 
tCold Lane. 


28 






Wing's Lane. 

Doclt Square, round 
Brattle Street, to 
Wing's Lane. 


12 


3 


Brattle Street ) 
Meeting > 1 
House. ) 


Brattle Street. 
Loring's Alley. 
Cornhill. 
Dock Square. 


3 






Market Square. 




5 


Fanueil Hall. 1 


Wing's Lane. 
A court. 
Union Street. 
Scot's Court. 
Hanover Street. 


35 


1 


i 


Carried over, 1139 


289 26 



* Elm Street. 



f Portland Street 



214 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IK BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1139 


289 


26 


Hanover Street. 
Friend's Street. 
Deacon Street. 
Cold Lane. 


20 






Friend's Street. 
Deacon Street. 
Cold Lane. 
Mill Pond. 


1 


1 




Friend's Street. 
Hanover Street. 
Union Street. 
Mill Pond. 


17 






Union Street. 
Link Alley. 
Mill Creek. 
Mill Pond. 


4 






Link Alley. 
Hanover Street. 
Mill Creek. 


10 






Hanover Street. 
Union Street. 
Marshall's Lane. 


8 






Marshall's Lane. 
Creek Lane. 
Mill Creek. 


14 






Creek Lane. 
Union Street. 
Marsh Lane. 


12 






Marsh Lane. 
Union Street. 
Ann Street. 
Scottow's Alley and 
Creek Lane. 


16 


2 




Carried over, 


1241 


292 


26 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



215 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1241 


292 


26 


Creek Lane and 

Scottow's Alley. 
Ann Street. 
Mill Creek. 


9 


3 




Ann Street, round by 
Conduit and Market 
Square. 

Royall's Alley. 


3 


3 




Royall's Alley. 
Market Square. 
Swingbridge Lane, ! 

including Wallis's 

Store. 
Ann Street. 


4 


6 




Ann Street. 
Swingbridge Lane. 
Town Dock, round 

through Dark 

Arch. 


7 


3 




Ann Street. 
Through Dark Arch, 

round to Mill 

Creek. 


6 


5 




Beacon Street. 
Hancock Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Cambridge Bay. 


16 


2 


Powder ~) 
Magazine. 5 


Hancock Street. 
Beacon Street, over 

Beacon Hill. 
Temple Street. 
Cambridge Street. 


24 


1 




Carried over, 


1310 


315 


. . 27 



216 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1310 


315 | 27 


Beacon Street. 
Tremont Street. 
Southack's Court. 
Stoddard's Lane. 
Cambridge Street. 
Middlecot Street, over 
Beacon Hill. 


35 






Temple Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Middlecot Street. 
Beacon Hill. 


14 




' 


Southack's Court. 
Sudbury Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Stoddard's Lane. 


8 






"^Cambridge Street. 
Sudbury Street. 
Alden's Lane. 


5 






Alden's Lane. 
Bowdoin Square. 
Chardon's Lane. 
Hawkins' Street. 


18 




i 


Hawkins' Street. 
Sudbury Street. 
tCharlotte Street. 
Chardon's Lane. 


17 






Sudbury Street. 

Charlotte St. round 
by Mill Pond, to 
bottom of Cold L. 


8 






Chardon's Lane to 

Ivers's. 
Mill Pond. 
Pitts' Lane. 
Green Street. 


9 






Carried over, 


1424 | 315 | 27 



Cambridge Street, in 1789, extended to Concert Hall, f Still house Square. 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



217 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, | 1424 


315 


27 


Green Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Staniford Street. 


12 




i 


Staniford Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Lynde Street. 
Green Street. 


12 




West Boston > 
Meeting [ 
House. { 
School House. J 


Lynde Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Chamber's Street. 
Green Street. 


16 




,,< 


Chamber's Street. 
Cambridge Street. 
Cambridge Bay. « 
Allen's Street. 


3 




# % 


Allen's St. round by 
Cambridge Bay to 
Barton's Point. 

Leverett Street. 

Green St. round to 
Allen's Street 


18 






Leverett St. round 
to Waldo's Wharf. 
Charles River. 


9i 1 

1 




Leverett St. from 
Waldo's Wharf. 
Green Street. 
Pitts' Lane. 
Mill Pond. 


10 


1 1 





Mill Creek. 
Harbour. 

Cross Street. 
Ann Street. 


21 


7 


i 


Carried over, 


1525 


324 


29 



VOL. IX. 



29 



218 NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789, 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1525 


324 


29 


Mill Creek. 
Ann Street. 
Centre Street. 
Middle Street. 


12 


1 




Mill Cre6k. 
Back Street. 
Cross Street. 
Mill Pond., 


15 




i 


Back Street. 
Middle Street. 
Cross Street. 


14 






Middle Street. 
Centre Street. 
Fish Street. 
A court. • 
Cross Street. 


24 






Middle Street. 
Cross Street. 
Fish Street. 
Gallop's Alley. 


35 


1 




Middle Street. 
Cross Street. 
Back Street. 
Beer Lane. 


34 




Writing ~) 
School > . . 1 
House. ) 


Middle Street. 
Gallop's Alley. 
Fish Street. 
Wood Lane. 


23 






Cross Street. 
Fish Street. 
DobleV Wharf. 
Harbour. 


33 


13 




Carried over, 

T 


1715 33V 


30 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



219 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1715 | 


30 


Fish Street, 
Moon Street. 
North Square. 
Sun Court. 


20 






Middle Street. 
Wood Lane. 
Moon Street. 
Bell Aliey. 


27 




New Brick ) 
Meeting v 1 
House. ) 


Middle Street. 
Beer Lane. 
Back Street. 
Prince Street. 


33 






Cross Street. 
Back Street. 
Prince Street. 
Mill Pond and Charles 
River to the bridge. 


49 


4 


First and^ 

Second 

Baptist 

Meeting 

Houses. 


> . 2 


Prince Street. 
Snow Street. 
Ferry way. 


18 


1 


r 


Prince Street. 
Snow Street. 
SheafFe Street. 
Margaret Lane. 


6 


1 


'/ 


Prince Street. 
Margaret Lane. 
SheafFe Street. 
Salem Street 


10 




• 


Prince Street. 
Salem Street. 
Bennet Street. 
School Alley. 


16 




" 


Prince Street. 
School Alley. 
Bennet Street. 
Middle Street. 


15 




Universalist ) 
Meeting > 1 
House. ) 


Carried over, 


1909 


345 


34 



220 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1798. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 


1909 | 345 | 34 


Middle Street. 
Bell Alley. 
Garden Court. 
Fleet Street. 


2 






Garden Court. 
North Square. 
Moon Street. 
Fleet Street. 


7 




- 


Moon Street. 
Sun Court. 
Fish Street. 
Fleet Street. 


28 






Doble's Wharf. 
Fish Street, round to 

Doble's Wharf by 

the Harffour. 


7 


2 




Fish Street, round by 
head of Hancock's 
Wharf, to Scarlet's 
Wharf. 


8 


2 




Hancock's Wharf. 




4 




Fleet Street. 
Ship Street. 
Clarke's Street. 
North Street. 


34 






North Street. 
Bennet Street. 
*Eliot Street. 
Love Lane. 


10 




North Latin ~] 
and Writing ! 9 
School f 
Houses. 


Bennet Street. 
Eliot Street. 
Love Lane. 
Salem Street. 


4 






Carried over, 


2009 


353 


...... 36 



* Unity Street. 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON. 



1789. 



221 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, 2009 


353 


36 


Salem Street. 
Sheaffe Street. 
Snow Street. 
Hull. Street. 


17 






Salem Street. 
Hull Street. 
Snow Street. 
Charter Street. 


14 




• 


Salem Street. 
Love Lane. 
Eliot Street. 
Charter Street. 


13 


> 


Christ's > , 
Church, j 


Eliot Street. 
Love Lane. 
North Street. 
Robinson's Alley. 


15 






Eliot Street. 
Robinson's Alley. 
North Street. 
Charter Street. 


11 






North Street. 
Clarke's Street. 
Ship Street. 
White Bread Alley. 


3 




New ^ 
North I j 
Meeting j 
House. J 


North Street. 
White Bread Alley. 
Ship Street. 
Salutation Alley. 


34 






North Street. 
Salutation Alley. 
Ship Street. 
Battery Alley. 


16 






Ship St. from Scar- 
let's Wharf to 
North Battery. 

Harbour. 


27 


11 




Carried over, 


2159 


364 


38 



222 



NUMBER OF HOUSES IN BOSTON, 1789. 



Squares. 


Houses. 


Stores. 


Publick Buildings, &c. 


Brought over, j 2159 | 364 


38 


North Street. 
Battery Alley. 
Lynn Street. 


21 






North Street. 
Charter Street. 
Henchman's Lane. 
Lynn Street. 


18 






Charter Street. 
Henchman's Lane. 
Lynn Street. 
Sliding Alley. 


8 






Charter Street. 
Sliding Alley. 
Lynn Street. 
Lime Alley. 


17 






Charter Street. 
Lime Alley. 
Ferryway. 


14 






Lynn St. and Ferry- 
way, from North 
Battery to the 
Bridge. 

'Harbour. 


8 


2 




Houses, .... 
Stores, ..... 
Publick Buildings, 


2235 

366 

38 


366 


. 38 



2639 exclusive of Distill houses, 
Sugar houses, Rope walks, 
Mechanicks' shops, Stables, 
Sheds, &c. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 223 



Introductory Observations. 

THE languages of the American Indians, however 
little value may be attached to them, as the source of 
what is frequently (though without much discrimination) 
called useful knowledge, have for some time deeply 
engaged the attention of the learned in Europe, as ex- 
hibiting numerous phenomena, if the term may be ap- 
plied, the knowledge of which will be found indispen- 
sable to a just theory of speech. It is true, indeed, 
that we have long had our systems of universal gram- 
mar, or in other words our theories of language, as 
deduced from the small number of European and Ori* 
ental tongues, which have been the subject of investi- 
gation with scholars ; just as in the physical sciences 
we have had, for example, our theories of chemistry, 
founded upon the comparatively small number of phe- 
nomena, which had been observed in past ages. But 
the discovery of numerous facts of the most surprising 
character in that science, even within our own mem- 
ory, has compelled the chemists of the present age to 
re-examine the old, and resort to new theories ; and 
from the great advances made in Comparative Phi- 
lology in the present age, particularly by means of an 
extensive acquaintance with the unwritten dialects of 
barbarous nations, there is reason to believe that some 
important modifications are yet to be made In our the- 
ories of language. 

Among the unwritten languages, those of the conti- 
nent of America present us with many new and striking 
facts. If we may adopt the opinions of a learned Soci- 
ety in another part of our country, there appears to be 
" a wonderful organization, which distinguishes the lan- 
guages of the Aborigines of this country from all other 
idioms of the known world ;" and they shew us " how T 
little the world has yet advanced in that science which 
is proudly called Universal Grammar."* We find in 

* Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee of the American 
Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, vol. i. p. xii. 



224 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

them (according to a learned member of the same Soci- 
ety) " a new manner of compounding words from vari- 
ous roots, so as to strike the mind at once with a whole 
mass of ideas; a new manner of expressing the cases 
of substantives by inflecting the verbs which govern 
them ; a new number (the particular plural) applied to 
the declension of nouns and conjugations of verbs ; a 
new concordance in tense of the conjunction with the 
verb ; we see not only pronouns, as in the Hebrew and 
some other languages, but adjectives, conjunctions, 
adverbs, combined with the principal part of speech, and 
producing an immense variety of verbal forms;" it is 
also one of the most remarkable characteristicks of the 
American languages, that they are ■" entirely deficient 
of our auxiliary verbs to have and to be :" " There are 
no words that I know of (says the same distinguished 
philologist) in any American idioms to express abstrac- 
tedly the ideas signified by those two verbs."* 

Some of the facts here stated, however extraordinary 
they may be thought by speculative persons, who have 
formed their theories upon the study of the European 
languages alone, will be found to have been noticed in 
the following Grammar of the venerable Eliot, composed 
at the distance of a century and a half from our own age, 
and long before any favourite theory or philological en- 
thusiasm can be supposed to have warped the judgment 
of the writer and led him to distort his facts, ill order to 
make them suit an ingenious hypothesis. The editor can- 
not refrain from selecting two or three instances, in which 
this indefatigable man, from an examination of a very 
limited number of kindred dialects in this part of the con- 
tinent, has given similar views to those, which are more 
fully presented by the learned writer just cited; who 
has extended his investigations to numerous dialects from 
the northern to the southern extremity of America. 

Of the general power of compounding words, for ex- 
ample, Eliot (without however describing the particular 

* Ibid. Report of Mr. Du Ponceau on the Indian Languages, p. xxxviii. xl. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 225 

mode) says — " This language doth greatly delight in 
compounding of words, for abbreviation, to speak much 
in few words, though they be sometimes long ; which is 
chiefly caused by the many syllables which the Gram- 
mar Rule requires, and suppletive syllables, which are 
of no signification, and curious care of Euphonie."* 
On the subject of the declensions he observes — " The 
variation of Nouns is not by male and female, as in 
other learned languages, and in European nations they 

do There be two forms or declensions of Nouns, 

animate, inanimate. 1. The animate form or declen- 
sion is, when the thing signified is a living creature ; and 
such Nouns do always make their plural in og, as wosk- 
etomp, man, wosketompaog ; a is but for euphonie. 
2. The inanimate form or declension of Nouns- is, 
when the thing signified is not a living creature ; and 
these make the plural in ash ; as hussun, a stone, huss- 
unash."t Again — in respect to that extraordinary 
characteristick of the Indian languages, the want of the 
substantive verb, Eliot says — u We have no compleat 
distinct icord for the Verb Substantive, as the learned 
languages and our English Tongue have, but it is under 
a regular composition, whereby many words are made 
Verb Substantive." Of this mode of forming verbs he 
then gives the following among other examples : " The 
first sort of Verb Substantives is made by adding any 
of these terminations to the word ; yeuoo, aoo, oco, with 
due euphonie ; and this is so, be the word a noun, as 

* Indian Gram. p. 6. 

f Ibid. p. 8, 9, 1 0. The Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, in his interesting- Corres- 
pondence with Mr. Du Ponceau, gives the same account of the Delaware 
language of the present day: "In the Indian languages (says he) those dis- 
criminating words or inflections which we call genders, are not, as with us, 
in general intended to distinguish between male and female beings, but be- 
tween animate and inanimate things or substances." He adds that " trees 
and plants (annual plants and grasses excepted) are included within the gene- 
rick class of animated beings." On this latter point, however, Eliot says, that 
all Vegetables are of the inanimate form ; and he then gives these two exam- 
ples ; mehtug, a tree, melitugquash ; moskeht, grass, moskehtuash." Wheth- 
er this difference of opinion arises from a difference between the two dialects 
in this particular, or from some other cause, the editor has not yet been able 
to ascertain. 

VOL. IX. 30 



226 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

wosketompc-oo, he is a man ; or adnoun, as wompiyeuco, 
it is while; or be the word an adverb, or the like."* 

It is unnecessary to enumerate further particulars in res- 
pect to the languages of our own part of the country. It 
should not, however, be overlooked, that the same obser- 
vations which Eliot and others have made respecting the 
northern dialects, appear to be generally applicable to those 
of the south and other parts of the continent. The editor 
is the more strongly impelled to extend his remarks on this 
point, because the plausible opinions, or rather amusing 
dreams, of certain philosophers (as they are sometimes sty- 
led) have still an influence among us, and continue to give 
currency to speculative errours instead of established facts. 

Of these erroneous opinions, founded upon very limit- 
ed inquiries into the languages of the globe, an ample 
specimen is given by Clavigero, hi his valuable History 
of Mexico ; where they are also most thoroughly refuted 
by an appeal to facts. To this intelligent author, indeed, 
subsequent writers, both in our own country and in Eu- 
rope, have been much indebted, not only for the correc- 
tion of errours which had been successfully propagated 
respecting these languages, but also for a refutation of the 
unfounded opinions of eminent naturalists and philoso- 
phers respecting the degeneracy of the animal and other 
productions of this continent. It will not be useless or 
out of place, so far as respects the languages of America, 
to advert briefly to those opinions ; because they still have, 
as above observed, an influence in perpetuating errour. 

In respect to the general character of these languages, 
(to adopt the remarks of Mr. Du Ponceau) " it has been 

* Indian Gram. p. 15. This want of the verb to be is also noticed in Ed- 
ivards's valuable Observations on the Langutive of the Muhhekaneew [Mohe- 
gan] Indians, published at New Haven in the>ear 1788. " They have (says 
Edwards) no verb substantive in all the language. Therefore they cannot 
say, he is a man, he is a coivard, &c. They express the same by one word, 
which is a verb neuter, viz. nemannauwoo, he is a man. Nemannauw is the 
noun substantive man : that turned into a verb neuter of the third person sin- 
gular becomes nemannauwoo as in Latin it is said Grcecor, Grcecatur, &c. 
Thus they turn any substantive whatever into a verb neuter." The learned 
author adds in a note — "The circumstance that they have no verb substan- 
tive, accounts for their not using that verb, when they speak English. They 
say, / man, I sick," &c. p. 14. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 227 

said and will be said again, that savages, having but few 
ideas, can want but few words, and therefore that their lan- 
guages must necessarily be poor." To which the same 
learned writer thus answers by a direct appeal to the sim- 
ple fact: " Whether savages have or have not many ideas, 
it is not my province to determine ; all I can say is, that if it 
is true that their ideas are few, it is not less certain that they 
have many words to express them." He then concludes 
his remarks in these strong terms : " For my own part, I 
confess that I am lost in astonishment at the copiousness 
and admirable structure of their hmguages ; for which I 
can only account by looking up to the Great First 
Cause."* ; 

To the same effect are the observations of the venera- 
ble Mr. Heckewelder, whose fidelity, and intelligence, and 
skill (in the Delaware dialect in particular) are beyond all 
question. In one of his letters he tells Mr. Du Ponceau, 
that he must not " imagine that their languages are poor" 
— that he will be still more pleased as he becomes more 
familiar v with the beautiful idiom of the.Lenni Lennape" 
— " I should never have done, (he adds) were I to en- 
deavour to explain to you in all their details the various 
modes which the Indians have of expressing their ideas, 
shades of ideas and combinations of ideas," &.c.f 

Will any one require a confirmation of the testimony 
of persons circumstanced as these two writers are ; the 
one distinguished for those habits of accurate investigation 
which belong to his profession, and the other for that per- 
fect and 4 minute knowledge of his subject, which is the 
natural result of forty years' study ? If such confirmation 
should be required, it will be found at large, in the work of 
Clavigero above cited, where the author refutes in detail 
many erroneous opinions respecting America, which had 
so long prevailed. He thus quotes a celebrated writer on 
this subject : " The languages of America are so limited 
and so scarce of words, that it is impossible to express any 
metaphysical idea in them. In no one of those languages 

* Report of Mr. Du Ponceau, p. xxvii — xxix. 
f Correspondence, p. 368, 377, 393. 



228 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

can they count above the number three. It is impossi- 
ble to translate a book either into the languages of the Al- 
gonquines or Paraguese, or even into those of Mexico or 
Peru, on account of their not having sufficient plenty of 
proper terms to express general ideas." To which Cla- 
vigero replies : " We have (says he) learned the Mexican, 
and have heard it spoken by the Mexicans for many years, 
but never knew that it was deficient in numerical terms, 
and words signifying universal ideas," &€. " We know 
that the Mexicans had numeral words to express as ma- 
ny thousands or millions qs thev pleased ;" and the au- 
thor then subjoins a long list oftffein, e^tendjng to very 
high numbers. He then shows that the writers' whom 4>e 
is here opposing, are equally wrong in asserting that these 
languages cannot express metaphysical ideas ; and he af- 
firms " that it is not easy to find a language more fit to 
treat on metaphysical subjects than the Mexican, as it 
would be difficult to find another which abounds so much 
in abstract terms," equivalents to many of which, he de- 
clares, cannot be found " in the Hebrew, in the Greek, in 
the Latin, in the French, in the Italian, in the English, in 
the Spanish or Portuguese ;" and he gives his readers a 
list of abstract terms with the corresponding Mexican 
words, " which (he observes are understood by the rud- 
est Indians." He adds, that it is by means of this abun- 
dance of words of this kind, that the deepest mysteries 
of religion have been explained in that language, and that 
various books of the Scriptures, and the works of Tho- 
mas a Kempis and others, have been translatedinto it ; 
which, as he justly remarks, could not have been done if 
the language had been deficient in terms of this nature. 
The same observations, he says, are applicable to all the 
languages spoken in the dominions of Mexico, as Gram- 
mars and Dictionaries and treatises on religion have been 
published in them, as well as in the Mexican.* 

Such, then, is the character of the languages spoken 
by the inhabitants of the middle region of this continent; 
and since the publication of Clavigero's work, we have 

* Clavigero's Mexico, Dissertat. vi. Sect. 6 ; in vol. 2, edit. 1787. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 229 

been enabled to obtain authentick information of various 
other languages ; particularly of one of the most south- 
ern, that of Chili, (or the Araucanian,as it is often called,) 
an account of which is given in the Abbe Molina's ex- 
cellent History of Chili. It will, assuredly, surprise 
most readers to find how exactly the account given of 
this language by Molina (who furnishes us with facts in- 
stead of hypotheses) corresponds with what Clavigero 
says of the Mexican ; and how completely at variance 
they both are with those of the speculative writers above" 
alluded to. " So copious is the Chilian language (says 
the author) that, in. the opinion of those well acquainted 
with it, -a complete dictionary thereof would require more 
than one large volume ; for, besides the radical words, 
which are very numerous, so great is the use of com- 
pounds, that it may almost be said in this consists the 
very genius of the language." Again — " Abstract nouns 
are very frequent;" and, in another place he states, as a 
remarkable property of this language, that it makes "fre- 
quent use of abstract nouns in a peculiar manner. Thus, 
instead of saying pu Huinca, the Spaniards, they com- 
monly say, Huincagen, the Spaniolity j tamen cuiagen, 
your trio, that is, you other three ; epu tamen cajugen 
layai, two of you other six will die — literally, two of 
your .sixths." The author also mentions in this language 
(as Eliot, Edwards and others do in the case of the north- 
ern dialects) the " practice of converting all the parts of 
speech into verbs, in such a manner that the whole know- 
ledge of the Chilian language may be said to consist in 
the management of the verbs."* He adds, that "pro- 
per names are also susceptible of this elegance. Thus 
from Pedro, is formed the verb Petron, to be Pedro ;,. 
Petrobui, was Pedro .... Owing to this property, the 
translation of European works into the Chilian, is very 
easy, in which, instead of losing any of their spirit and 
elegance, they acquire a degree of precision even supe- 
riour to the originals. This, among other instances that 

* To the same effect, Eliot says of the Massachusetts language—" The 
manner of formation of the nouns and verbs have-such a latitude of use, that 
there needeth little other Syntaxis in the language"— Indian Gram. p. 23. 



230 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

might be mentioned, is strongly evinced in the Christian 
Thoughts of the celebrated Bouhdurs, which was trans- 
lated in the year 1713. There can be no better test of 
a language than its translations, as its comparative rich- 
ness or poverty is rendered more apparent in this mode 
than in any other."* 

But it may possibly still be urged, that whatever is the 
fact with respect to the languages of Mexico, Chili, and 
the more civilized parts of the continent, yet the dia- 
lects of the more barbarous nations must be extremely 
poor and deficient in the particulars above considered. 
As to some of these very dialects, however, we have the 
unequivocal testimony of Mr. Heckewelder and Mr. Du 
Ponceau already cited ; and their opinion is supported 
by that of writers who have preceded them. It may, 
perhaps, appear somewhat like want of respect to persons 
so well known as those gentlemen are, to adduce the tes- 
timony of others in support of their statements ; but such 
has been the influence of the opposite opinion on this 
subject, that the editor trusts he shall be pardoned for 
briefly recurring to two or three preceding writers; 
whose observations in this instance are the more impor* 
tant, as they are founded upon the dialects of the northern 
nations alone. Uolden informs us, that " the Six Nations 
compound their words without end, whereby their lan- 
guage becomes sufficiently copious." Edwards observes 
— " It has been said, that savages have no parts of speech 
beside the substantive and the verb. This is not true 
concerning the Mohegan, nor concerning any other tribe 
of Indians of whose languages I have any knowledge. 
The Mohegans have all the eight parts of speech to be 
found in other languages." Again — " It has been said 
also, that savages never abstract, and have no abstract 
terms ; which with regard to the Mohegans is another 
mistake.....! doubt not, but that there is in this language 
the full proportion of abstract to concrete terms, which 
is commonly to be found in other languages."! The late 
Mr. Zeisberger affirmed the Iroquois language (in which 

* Molina's Hist, of Chili, vol. ii. p. 5. 297, 303, 301, American translation, 
f Observations, &c. p. 16. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 23 1 

he was thoroughly skilled) to be very copious. Roger 
Williams, who was distinguished for his skill in the In- 
dian languages, in speaking of the dialect of the Nara- 
gansets, declares in emphatick terms, that " their lan- 
guage is exceeding copious, and they have five or six 
words sometimes for one thing."* If any further proof 
were necessary in this case,, we have it conclusively in 
the single fact, that Eliot found a sufficient stock of 
words in the Massachusetts dialect, for a complete trans- 
lation of the Old and New Testaments. . 

Such, then, are some of the striking facts, which the 
investigation of these remarkable dialects has already 
brought into view ; and facts of this novel character 
could not fail to stimulate the curiosity of all, who take 
an interest in the study of man, particularly of his dis- 
tinguishing characteristick, the faculty of speech. For, 
if there is any utility in studying language philosophical- 
ly, (which all admit,) then it is manifestly indispensable 
for those, who claim the rank of philosophical grammari- 
ans, to make themselves in some degree acquainted with 
the languages of the barbarous, as well as of the civilized 
nations of the globe. Accordingly, the illustrious scholars 
•of Europe, particularly of Germany, have for some time 
past, with their well known ardour and perseverance, 
been pursuing their researches into the curious dialects 
of this continent; and they have already examined, with 
no inconsiderable degree of minuteness, such a number 
of them as will astonish everv reader, whose attention 
has not been particularly directed to this subject. 

In that wonderful monument of philological research, 
the Mithrldates, begun by the illustrious Professor 
Adelungj&nd continued and augmented by the celebrated 
Professor Vater, by the Honourable Frederick Adelung, 
(the distinguished relative of the late professor,) and by 
the learned Baron William von Humboldt, we find u a 
delineation of the grammatical character of thirty-four 
American languages, and the Lord's Prayer in fifty-nine 
different idioms 6r dialects of the savages of this, coun- 

* Directions prefixed to his Key into the Languages of America. Williams 
also, in speaking of their numerals, says, " 'tis admirable how quick they are 
in casting up great numbers with the helpe of graines of come," &c. Key, 
chap. iv. 



2(32 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

try."* But what will be the reader's astonishment to 
learn, that since the publication of the Mithridates, the 
present learned Adelung has been enabled to make a 
more extensive survey of the languages of the globe than 
was before practicable, and has enumerated in America 
twelve hundred and fourteen different dialects !f Justly 
may we (to adopt the sentiment of Mr. Du Ponceau) 
express our astonishment at the great knowledge which 
the Literati of Europe appear to possess of America, and 
of the customs, manners and languages of its original 
inhabitants ; and cheerfully ought we to express our 
" thanks to the Germans and Russians, our masters," to 
whom ".the general science of languages is peculiarly 
indebted for the great progress that it has lately made." 
The vast field of investigation, which is thus opening 
to our view, would be sufficient to dishearten the most 
adventurous and resolute philologist, if the American 
dialects were subject to the intricate anomalies of the Eu- 
ropean tongues, J and if they were, moreover, as ma- 

* Report, in Histor. Transact vol. i. p. xxxii. 

f Uebersicht aller bekannten Sprachen und Hirer Dialekte ; or, View of all 
the known Languages and their Dialects, 8vo. St. Petersburg, 1820. A copy 
of this important work has been presented by the learned author to the Ameri- 
can Academy of Arts and Sciences. The Historical Transactions, and partic- 
ularly the labours of Mr. Du Ponceau, are noticed by the author in terms of just 
commendation. In connection with the example of the learned Adelung, I 
cannot forbear mentioning 1 , as an incitement to American scholars, in these re- 
searches, that of Baron William von Humboldt; who (as an obliging corres- 
pondent in Germany justly observes) "unites to his high rank as a politician 
and nobleman the distinctions of genius and,^rudition." This eminent phi- 
lologist, (says Mr. Du Ponceau) " surrounded with the honours and dignities 
of his country, made a journey into the mountains of Biscay and resided there 
some months for the sole purpose of studying the Basque Language." Re- 
port, p. xxxi. He has also been engaged for some years in the study of the 
Languages- of America. 

\ The almost inconceivable degree of regularity in the American languages 
is not the least curious of their peculiarities. Molina says of that of Chili — 
"What is truly surprising in this language is, that it contains*no irregular 
verb or noun. Every thing in it may be said to be regulated with a geom- 
etrical precision, and displays much art with great simplicity, and a connec- 
tion so well ordered and unvarying in its grammatical rules, which always 
make the subsequent depend upon the antecedent, that the theory of the lan- 
guage is easy and may be learned in a few days." Vol. ii. p. 5, Amer. edit. 
Mr. Heckewelder observes of the Delaware, that the verbs are conjugated 
through all their negative, causative and various other forms,, with fewer ir- 
regularities than any other language that I know of" Correspondence, Letter 
x. Mr. Du Ponceau says too, of the same language, that " it would rather 
appear to have been formed by philosophers in their closets, than by savages 
: ^ *he wilderness." Report, p. xxvi. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 233 

ny have erroneously supposed, for the most part radically 
different languages. This last unfounded opinion, which 
has been too much countenanced by speculative writers, 
has doubtless been one reason why our scholars have not 
directed their attention to this part of American history; 
for, in the works of most writers upon this country, we 
meet with such numbers of Indian names, often ill- 
defined and as often misapplied, that we become per- 
plexed and distracted with the multifarious group : Just 
as an uninstructed spectator (to adopt a remark applied 
on another occasion) who gazes on the endless variety of 
flowers that adorn the earth, or the innumerable stars that 
glitter in the heavens, is lost in the irregularity and 
disorder which seem to pervade those parts of the natural 
world, and despondingly imagines the knowledge of them 
to be placed beyond the reach of human attainment. 
But as we are enabled by the labours of a Newton and 
a Linnaeus to class and systematize the innumerable sub- 
jects of those departments of knowledge, and find order 
and regularity amidst the apparent confusion, so, by the 
assistance of the Adelungs and Vaters and Humboldts of 
the old world, and of their zealous fellow-labourers in our 
own country, we can class and arrange the various lan- 
guages spoken by man ; and thus dissipate the confusion 
and perplexity which r^eign through the chaos, and dis- 
cover, in this, the like wonderful connexion and harmony, 
which are conspicuous in all other parts of the creation. 

We now accordingly mid, that the numerous dialects 
of North America, on the East side of the Mississippi, 
may probably be reduced to three, or at most four classes 
or families : 

1. The K%alit, or language of Greenland and the Eski- 

maux if 

2. The Delaware ; and 

* Mr. Du Ponceau informs me in a late letter, that he is now able to 
establish the correctness of Professor Vater's important remark — that this 
American language is also spoken in Asia, by the tribe of Tartars called the 
Sedentary Tschuktschi, who inhabit the most eastern peninsula of the other 
continent. See Mitkridates, vol. iii. part 3, p. 464. 
VOL. IX. 31 



234 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

3. The Iroquois; to which should be added, as Mr. 

Heckewetder is inclined to think, 

4. The Floridian class, comprehending the body of 

languages, spoken on the whole southern frontier 
of the United States. 

By the study of only three or four original languages, 
therefore, a scholar will be able to command a knowl- 
edge of the numerous dialects which are spread over all 
that part of America in which our countrymen will feel 
the greatest interest. In the same manner as, by the 
knowledge of three or four principal languages of the 
old continent, we are able to master all the dialects 
which are to be found from the northern to the southern 
extremities of Europe. 

The Massachusetts Historical Society, with the view 
of co-operating at this time with their brethren of other 
states in affording such aid as maybe in their power to 
persons engaged in these interesting researches, will de- 
vote a portion of their Collections to this part of Ameri- 
can history ; in the course of which it is their intention 
to communicate to the publick all rare and valuable me- 
morials of the Indian languages, whether printed or in 
manuscript, which may come into their possession. It 
is several years since they republished the principal part 
of Roger Williams' small but valuable Vocabulary of the 
Naraganset dialect.* They now resume this depart- 
ment of their work by the republication of the present 
Grammar of the Massachusetts Language. This Gram- 
mar had become so rare, that the Society had not one 
perfect printed copy of it in their extensive collection 
of early A:ni^rican publications; and they have been 
indebted to the American Philosophical Society for a 
manuscript copy, which they have liberally presented, 
on the motion of their obliging and indefatigable cor- 
respondent, Mr. Du Ponceau. The present republi- 
cation, however, is made from a printed copy belonging 
to one of their members. The Society is also indebted 

* See vols. iii. and v. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 235 

to Mr. Du Ponceau for the Remarks subjoined to the 
present edition, which are distinguished by his name : 
The few other additions to it have been made by the 
editor ; to whose care his colleagues on the Publishing 
Committee have confided this part of the present volume. 

It was thought proper to resume the Indian publica- 
tions of the Society with a Grammar of some one of 
the dialects, in order that our scholars might at once be 
provided with a guide to direct them in their first inqui- 
ries ; and the Committee have been led by their respect 
for the memory of the author (and perhaps too by an 
excusable partiality for a New England production) to 
select that of Eliot; which appears to have been the 
first ever published in North America* The work 
itself possesses great merit in many respects ; and, 
with Mr. Du Ponceau's remarks, it will afford essential 
aid in the prosecution of these studies. 

But it is now proper to submit a few remarks more 
immediately relative to the particular language which is 
the subject of the present Grammar; in doing which it 
will be necessary to take a general view of the other 
New England dialects. 

The principal nations of Indians in New England, 
at the first settlement of the country by our ancestors, 
were five : 

1. The Pequots ; who inhabited the most southerly 

part, which comprehended what is now the Slate 
of Connecticut. They were once " a very warlike 
and potent people. "f 

2. The Naragansets; who possessed the cquji try about 

Naraganset Bay, including Rhode Island and other 
islands in that bay, and also a part ftf the. |§l$tfe of 

* In Spanish America, grammars and dictionaries of the native languages 
had been published a century before Eliot's. Among the valuable books on 
this subject in the library of Baron W. von. Humboldt, of which the editor 
has a list, there is a Vocabulary of the Spanish and Mexican Languages, 
printed at Mexico, as early as 1571. 

f Gookin's Historical Collections of the Indians in New England; written 
in 1674, and first published from the MS. in the Massachusetts Histor. Collect. 
vol. i. p. 147—8. 



236 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

Connecticut. This tribe is spoken of by our early 
historians as " a great people."* 

3. The Paickunnaiokuts ; inhabiting the territory of 

the old Colony of Plymouth. These were also 
known by the name of Wampanoags, and were 
once in possession of Rhode Island. f 

4. The Massachusetts Indians ; occupying principally 

the territory which was afterwards inhabited by 
the English, on Massachusetts Bay. They are 
described as " a numerous and great people." 

5. The Patvtuckets ; who dwelt north and east of the 

Massachusetts Indians.! 

Besides these five general divisions, or tribes, of the 
New England Indians, however, our historians often 
speak of smaller divisions by specifiek names, within 
the same territory ; which smaller divisions seem to 
have been so distinguished, sometimes in consequence 
of their local situation, and sometimes on account of a 
slight difference of dialect. 

In respect to the languages of these Indians, there 
seems to have been one principal dialect, which extended 
through a great part of New England, and was the basis 
of all the others. Gookin (in 1674) says — " The In- 
dians of the parts of New England, especially upon 
the sea-coasts, used the same sort of speech and lan- 
guage, only with some difference in the expressions, as 
they differ in several countries [qu. counties ?] in Eng- 
land, yet so as they can well understand one another. 
Their speech is a distinct speech from any of those 
used in Europe, Asia or Africa, that I ever heard of. 
And some of the inland Indians, particularly the 
Mawhawks or M aquas, use such a language, that our 
Indians upon the coast do not understand. So the 
Indians to the southward, upon the sea coast about Vir- 

* Ibid. See also Roger Williams' Key ; where the author says — " In the 
Nariganset countrey (which is the chief people in the land) a man shall come 
to many townes, some bigger, some lesser, it may be a dozen in 20 miles' 
travel." p. 3. 

f Mass. Histor. Collect, vol. iii. p. 159, and vol. x. p. 20, note. 

\ Gookin, ubi supra. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 237 

ginia use a speech much different from those in New 
England."* Roger Williams also, who is spoken of 
as particularly " skilful in the Indian tongue,"} agrees, 
substantially, with Gookin ; though from his remarks 
we should infer, that there were more differences of 
dialect than Gookin's account would lead us to suppose. 
Williams says — " with this [the Naraganset language] 
I have entered into the secrets of those countries 
wherever English dwell, about two hundred miles, 
between the French and Dutch Plantations ;" and he 
adds, that " there is a mixture of this language North 
and South from the place of my abode about six hun- 
dred miles ; yet within the two hundred miles aforesaid, 
their dialects doe exceedingly differ , yet not so, bu% 
(within that compasse) a man may by this helpe con- 
verse icith thousands of natives all over the countrey." 
In another place Williams makes a remark which (as 
above observed) might lead us, at first view, to con- 
clude, that there were many radical differences in the 
various dialects alluded to by him. His words are — 
u The varietie of their Dialects and proper speech 
within thirtie or fortie miles each of other is very great." 
But the example, which he subjoins in proof of this, 
shows that his expression is to be taken in a qualified 
sense, and must be considered as founded upon minute 
distinctions, which would not be thought to constitute 
u a very great varietie" of language by any person, 
except one whose ear had been long habituated to the 
niceties of some particular dialect; every trifling de- 
viation from which wnuld be as striking, as the slightest 
violation of the idiom of his native tongue. He observes, 
that this very great variety of dialect will appear in this 
word Anum, a dog, which he sets down in four of the 
languages, thus : 

" Aniim, the Cowwesei \ 

Ayim, the JVariganset I , , l" n 
a ' a r\ • • 7 > dialect." 

Arum, the Qunnipmck [ 

Alum, the Neepmuck J 

* Mass. Histor. Collect, vol. i. p. 149. 

f Gookin j in JVtass. Histor. Collect, vol. i. p. 210. 



238 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

Now, it will be at once perceived, that in three of 
these four examples there is no other difference of dia- 
lect, than the slight one occasioned by the very com- 
mon interchange of the liquids Z, n, r; a difference, 
which, in a general view of the subject, would not be 
called " a very great one."* 

The observation of the old writers,, that there was 
one principal or fundamental language throughout New 

. England (and even beyond it) is in accordance with the 
remarks of later writers upon this subject ; who have 
taken a more extended view of these dialects than was 
practicable at the early period when Williams and Eliot 
wrote. It will suffice to refer to two writers of our own 

'age, (one of them still living,) eminently distinguished 
Tor their skill in the Indian languages- — the Rev. Dr. 
Edwards, whose Observations have been already cited, 
and the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, whose Account of the 
Indians and their languages is well known to every 
reader. These two writers, who agree in every thing 
material to the present question, differ only in this 
circumstance, that each of them considers the particular 
dialect with which he happened to be most familiar, as 
the principal, or standard language, and then compares 

* Williams' Key, chap. xvii. p. 106, London edit, of 1643 ; republished 
{in part) in Massa. Historical Collect, vols. iii. and v. Williams adds a re- 
mark, which is deserving of notice as a refutation of an opinion which at that 
day (as is often the case in our own) had been hastily formed upon a partial 
knowledge of the Indian languages: "So that (says he) although some 
pronounce not L nor R, yet it is the most proper dialect of other places ; 
contrary to many reports" Ibid. 

This difference of dialect (which was probably the most important 6f any, 
because it is the most frequently alluded to by the old writers) is also noticed 
by Eliot in much the same manner as by Williams ; " The consonants I, n, r 
(says he) have such a natural coincidence, that it is an eminent variation of 
their dialects. We Massachusetts pronounce the n. The Nipmuk Indians 
pronounce I. And the Northern Indians pronounce r. As instance : 

We say Aniim (um produced) } 
Nipmuk, Alum > a dog." 

Northern, Ariim j 

To which he adds a remark that should not be overlooked — " So in most 
words." Indian Gram. p. 2. The Nipmuk Indians, or (Neepmuck, as Wil- 
liams writes it) who are here mentioned, had their principal settlement about 
fifty miles south-west of Boston, on the territory now called Oxford, in the 
county of Worcester; but their territory extended into the borders of Con- 
necticut. See Mass. Histor. Collect, vol. ix. p. 80, note. 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 



239 



all the rest with that; just as tin Englishman would 
make his own language the standard with which <he 
would coin pare the northern dialects of Europe, or as a 
native of Italy would take the Italian language as the 
standard for those of the south of Europe. Thus 
Dr. Edwards, for example, in speaking of the Mohegan 
tongue, observes — " This language is spoken by all the 
Indians throughout New England. Every tribe, as 
that of Stockbridge, that of Farmington, that of New 
London, &c. has a different dialect ; but the language 
is radically the same. Mr. Eliot's translation of the 
Bible is in a particular dialect of this language. This 
language appears to be much more extensive than any 
other language in North America. The languages of 
the Delawares in Pennsylvania, of the Penobscots bor- 
dering on Nova Scotia, of the Indians of St. Francis 
in Canada, of the Shawanese on the Ohio, and of the 
Chippewaus at the westward of Lake Huron, are all 
radically the same with the Mohegan .... That the 
languages of the several tribes in New England, of 
the Delawares, and of Mr. Eliot's Bible, are radically 
,the same with the Mohegan, / assert from my own 
knowledge."* 

To the same effect are the observations of Mr. Heck- 
ewelder respecting the Delaware language, more prop- 
erly called the Lenni Lenape. " The Lenni Lenape 
or Delawares (says he) are the head of a great family 
of Indian nations who are known among themselves by 
the generick name of Wapanachki, or Men of the East. 
The same language is spread among them all in various 
dialects, of which I conceive the purest is that of the 
chief nation, the Lenape, at whose residence the great 
national councils meet, and whom the others, by way 
of respect, call Grandfather ."t In another place he 
says, that " this is the most widely extended language 
of any of those that are spoken on this side of the 
Mississippi. It prevails in the extensive regions of 
Canada, from the coast of Labrador to the mouth of 

* Edwards' Observations, p. 5. 

f Correspondence with Mr. Du Ponceau, Letter xiv. (Transactions, p. 391.) 



240 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

Albany River, which falls into the southernmost part of 
Hudson's Bay, and from thence to the Lake of the Woods, 
which forms the north-western boundary of the United 
States. It appears to be the language of all the Indians 
of that extensive country, except those of the Iroquois 
stock, which are by far the least numerous . . . Out of 
the limits of Canada few Iroquois are found, except the 
remnants of those who were once settled in the vicinity 
of the great lakes in the northern parts of the now State 
of New York. There are yet some Wyandots in the 
vicinity of Detroit. All the rest of the Indians who now 
inhabit this country to the Mississippi, are of the Lenape 
stock and speak dialects of that language. It is certain, 
that at the time of the arrival of the Europeans, they were 
in possession of all the coast from the northernmost point 
of Nova Scotia to the Roanoke. Hence they were called 
Wapanachki or the Abenaki, Men of the EastP He 
adds — " In the interior of the country we find every where 
the Lenape and their kindred tribes. "* 

From these different accounts, then, it appears, that the 
Lenape may properly enough be considered as the prin- 
cipal, or standard language of the New Engltf&d Indians^ 
as well as of various tribes that inhabited the adjacent ter- 
ritories. It appears too, from the concurring testimony 
of our early historians, that among the Indians of New 
England there was "a great and numerous people," well 
known and commonly distinguished by the name of the 
Massachusetts Indians, who resided principally on the 
sea coast of the present State of Massachusetts, the ex- 
tent of whose territority, however, was probably not very 
well defined. The editor, therefore, without regarding 
any of the subdivisions of this nation, (subdivisions, which 
have given rise to a variety of appellations both for the 
different portions of the people and for their slightly differ- 
ing dialects,) has thought it proper to follow the example 
of Eliot in applying to the prevailing dialect of that peo- 
ple the general name of the Massachusetts Language. 
In the same manner, as we include under the general 

* Heckewelder's Historical Account of the Indians, chap. ix. (in Transac- 
tions of the Histor. and Literar. Committee, &c. p. 106, 107.) 



THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 241 

name of English, all the provincial dialects spoken in 
the several counties of England ; though, as far as we can 
judge, those county dialects differ much more from stand- 
ard English, than the local dialects of Massachusetts did 
from the standard Indian of the country. This same 
language is often mentioned by our early writers under 
different names ; sometimes under the very indefinite ap- 
pellation of the Indian language ; sometimes, however, 
it is called by its proper, name, the Massachusetts; it 
has also been called the Nonantum language ; but more 
frequently the Natick tongue, apparently from the acci- 
dental circumstance, that Eliot established his first Indian 
church in the town called Natick, which was near Boston 
and was once the town of greatest note among the Indians 
in this quarter. ...-. , :. 

With these remarks the editor submits the present edi- 
tion of this Grammar to the publick, as part of a series of 
scarce tracts respecting the Indian Languages, which it is 
the intention of the Historical Society to publish, from 
time to time, as circumstances shall permit. The present 
publication will probably be followed by a valuable En- 
gHph and Jndian Vocabulary, (of the Massachusetts lan- 
guage also) composed by Josiah Cotton, Esquire, who was 
the son of John Cotton and was once an occasional preach- 
er among the Indians ; he died at Plymouth, in this State, 
during the year 1756. The MS. bears the date of the 
years 1707 and 1708.. They also hope to obtain a Vo- 
cabulary of the language spoken at the present day by the 
small tribe of Indians called the Penobscots, who reside 
near the river of that name, in the State of Maine. A vo- 
cabulary of this dialect (the Abnahi) will be of use in mak- 
ing a comparison of the present language with the same 
dialect as we find it in Father Rale's MS. Dictionary, 
which was formed a century ago. This last work, of 
which a short bibliographical account was given, by the 
editor, in the fourth volume of the American Academy's 
Memoirs, page 358, and which is the greatest treasure of 
Indian, that "is to be found in this part of our country, 
ought also to be published without delay, lest some acci- 
dent should deprive us of it forever. But its large size 

vol. ix. 32 



242 THE MASSACHUSETTS LANGUAGE. 

alone, even if the MS. were the property of the Historical 
Society, would forbid its publication in these volumes. 
It is to be hoped, however, that measures will be taken 
without loss of time, either under the direction of the Uni- 
versity, (to whose library it belongs) or of the American 
Academy of x\rts and Sciences to effect its publication. 

The editor has thought it might be acceptable to most 
readers, and not without use, to add to this preface, an 
account of the Indian publications made by Eliot; and 
the following List, which has been collected from the 
preceding volumes of the Historical Collections, is ac- 
cordingly subjoined. A valuable account of the Life of 
the venerable author, drawn up by his much respected 
descendant, the late Dr. John Eliot, Corresponding Se- 
cretary of the Society, will be found in the eighth volume 
of these Collections, and also in the New England Bio- 
graphical Dictionary of the same writer. 

JOHN PICKERING. 

Salem, Massachusetts, 
July 31, 1821. 



List of Eliofs Indian Publications. 

1 . The Bible ; of which the New Testament was finished Sept. 5, 

1661, (See Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. p. 176.) and the Old Testa- 
ment in 1663. The second edition of the New Test, was pub- 
lished in 1680, and of the Old Test, in 1685. Eliot, in a letter 
of July 7, 1688, to the celebrated Sir Robert Boyle, who was 
Governour of the Corporation for propagating the gospel among 
the Indians of New England, and occasionally supplied money 
for that purpose, speaks of having paid ten pounds to Mr. John 
Cotton, " who (says he) helped me much in the second edition of 
the Bible." See Mass. Hist. Coll vol. iii. p. 187. — The trans- 
lation of the New Testament was dedicated to King Charles 
the lid ; a copy of the " Epistle Dedicatory" may be seen in 
the Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. p. 174. 

2. Indian Catechisms; several of them. — See. vol. i. 172, andviii. 33. 
3. Grammar ; which is printed in some editions of the Bible. — 

See vol. viii. 12 and 33. 
4. Psalter.— Ibid. 

5. Singing Psalms. — See vol. i. 172. 

6. The Practice of Piety, published in 1686. — See a letter from Eliot 

to Boyle, in vol. iii. p. 187. 

7. Baxter's Call to the Unconverted. — See vol. i. 172. 



THE 

INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN 

OR, 

AN ESSAY TO BRING THE INDIAN LANGUAGE 

INTO 



FOR THE HELP OF SUCH AS DESIRE TO LEARN THE SAME, FOR 
THE FURTHERANCE OF THE GOSPEL AMONG THEM. 



BY JOHN ELIOT. 



Isa. 33. 19. Thou shalt not see a fierce people, a people of a deeper 
speech than thou canst perceive, of a stammering tongue, that thou 
canst not understand. 

Isa. 66. 18. It shall come that I will gather all Nations and Tongues, 
and they shall come and see my Glory. 

Dan. 7. 14. And there was given him Dominion, and Glory and a 
Kingdome, that all People, Nations and Languages should serve 
him, fyc. 

Psal. 19. 3. There is no speech nor language where their voice is not 
heard. 

Mai. 3. 11. From the rising of the Sun, even to the going down 
of the same, my Name shall be great among the Gentiles, Spc. 



CAMBRIDGE: 

PRINTED BY MARMADUKE JOHNSON. 
1666. 



TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, 

ROBERT BOYLE, ESQ; 

GOVERNOUR: 

WITH THE REST OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND CHRISTIAN 

CORPORATION 

FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL UNTO 
THE INDIANS IN NEW-ENGLAND. 

NOBLE SIR, 

YOU were pleased, among other Testimonies of your 
Christian and prudent care for the effectual Progress 
of this great Work of the Lord Jesus among the in- 
habitants of these Ends of the Earth, and goings down 
of the Sun, to Command me (for such an aspect have 
your so wise and seasonable Motions, to my heart) to 
Compile a Grammar of this Language, for the help of 
others who have an heart to study and learn the same, 
for the sake of Christ, and of the poor Souls of these 
Ruines of Mankinde, among whom the Lord is now 
about a Resurrection-work, to call them into his holy 
Kingdome. I have made an Essay unto this difficult 
Service, and laid together some Bones x and Ribs pre- 
paratory at least for such a work. It is not worthy the 
Name of a Grammar, but such as it is, I humbly present 



it to your Honours, mid request your Animadversions 
upon the Work, and Prayers unto the Lord for bles- 
sing upon all Essay es and Endeavours for the promo- 
ting of his Glory, and the Salvation of the Souls of 
these poor People. Thus humbly commending your 
Honours unto the blessing of Heaven and to the guid- 
ance of the Word of God, which is able to save your 
Souls, I remain 

Your Honours Servant in the Service 
of our Lord Jesus, 

JOHN ELIOT. 



THE 



INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



GRAMMAR Is the Art or Rule of Speaking. 

There be two parts of Grammar : 

1. The Art of making words. 

2. The Art of ordering words for speech. 
The art of making } 1, By various articulate sounds. 

words, is 3 2. By regular composing of them. 

Articulate sounds are composed into < Jb » 

The various articulate sounds must be distinguished 

-d , C Names. 
* £ Characters. 
These Names and Characters do make the Alpha-bet. 

Because the English Language is the first, and most 
attainable Language which the Indians learn, he is a 
learned man among them, who can Speak, Reade and 
Write the English Tongue. 

I therefore use the same Characters which are of most 
common use in our English Books ; viz. the Roman ano 
Italick Letters. , 

Also our Alpha-bet is the same with the English, saving 
in these few things following. 

1. The difficulty of the Rule about the Letter [c], by 
reason of the change of its sound in the five sounds, ca ce 
ci co cu ; being sufficiently helped by the Letters 
[k and s.~] : We therefore lay by the Letter [c], [p-2.] 



248 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

saving in [c&] ; of which there is frequent use in the Lan- 
guage. Yet I do not put it out of the Alpha-bet, for the 
use of it in other Languages, but the character \ch~\ next 
to it, and call it \_chee~]. 

2. I put [i~] Consonant into our Alpha-bet, and give it 
this Character [_j~], and call hji or [g\], as this Syllable 
soundeth in the English word \_giant~\ ; and I place it 
next after [i vocal]. And I have done thus, because it 
is a regular sound in the third, person singular in the Im- 
perative Mode of Verbs, which cannot well be distinguish- 
ed without it : though I have sometimes used [g/t] in- 
stead of it, but it is harder and more inconvenient. The 
proper sound of it is, as the English word \o,ge] soiind- 
eth. See it used Genes. 1. 3, 6, 9, 11. 

3. We give (v) Consonant a distinct name, by putting 
together (uf) or (uph), and we never use it, save when 
it soundeth as it doth in the word (save, have), and place 
it next after (u vocal.) Both these Letters (u Vocal, 
and v Consonant) are together in their proper sounds in 
the Latine word (uva a Vine.) 

4. We call w (wee), because our name giveth no hint 
of the power of its sound. 

These Consonants (/. n. r.) have such a natural coinci- 
dence, that it is an eminent variation of their dialects. 

We Massachusetts pronounce the n. The Nipmuk 
Indians pronounce /. And the Northern Indians pro- 
nounce r. As instance : 



We say Anum (um produced 

Nipmuk, Alum 

Northern, Arum \ So in most words. 



I A Dog. 
} So in in 



Qur Vocals are five : a e i o u. Dipthongs, or dou- 
ble sounds, are many, and of much use. 

*& ai au ei ee eu eau oi oo co. 

Especially we have more frequent use of [o and oo] 
than other Languages have : and our [cojdoth always 
sound as it doth in these English words (moody, book.) 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 249 

We use onely two Accents, and but sometime. Cp 3 ^ 
The Acute (') to show which Syllable is first 
produced in pronouncing of the word ; which if it be not 
attended, no Nation can understand their own Language : 
as appeareth by the witty Conceit of the Tytere tu's. 

6 produced with the accent, is a regular distinction 
betwixt the first and second persons plural of the 
Suppositive Mode; as 

( Naumog, If we see : (as in Log.) 
( Naumog, If ye see : (as in Vogue.) 

The other Accent is ("), which I call Nasal ; and it 
is used onely upon (6) when it is sounded in the Nose, 
as oft it is ; or upon (a) for the like cause. 

This is a general Rule, When two (o o) come to- 
gether, ordinarily the first is produced; and so when 
two (oo) are together. 

All the Articulate sounds and Syllables that ever I 
heard (with observation) in their Language, are suffi- 
ciently comprehended and ordered by our Alpha-bet, 
and the Rules here set down. 



Character. 


Name. 


Character. 


Name. 


a 






n 


en 


b 


bee 









c 
ch 


see 
chee 




P 

q 


pee 
keuh 


d 


dee 




r 


ar 


e 






fs 


es 


f 


ef 




t 


tee 


g 
h 


gee as 


in geese 


u 

V 


vf 


i 






w 


wee 


J 
k 

1 


ji as in 

ka 

el 


giant 


X 

y 

z 


ex 
wy 
zad 



m em 

Here be 27 Characters: The reason of increasing 
the number is above. 

vol. ix. 33 



250 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

And I have been thus far bold with the Alpha-bet, 
because it is the first time of writing this Language; 
and it is better to setttle our Foundation right at first, 

than to have it to mend afterwards* 
[p- 4 -] Musical sounds they also have, and perfect 
Harmony, but they differ from us in sound. 
There be four several sorts of Sounds or Tones 
uttered by Mankinde. 

1. Articulation in Speech. 

2. Laughter. 

3. Lcetation and Joy : of which kinde of sounds 
our Mustek and Song is made. 

4. Ululation, Howling, Yelling, or Mourning: 

and of that kinde of sound is their Music 
and Song made. 

In which kinde of sound they also hallow and call, 
when they are most vociferous. 

And that it is thus, it may be perceived by this, that 
their Language is so full of (oo) and 6 Nasal. 

They have Harmony and Tunes which they sing r , 
but the matter is not in Meeter. 

They are much pleased to have their Language and 
Words in Meeter and Rithme, as it now is in The 
Singing Psalms in some poor measure, enough to 
begin and break the ice withall : These they sing in 
our Musicall Tone. 

So much for the Sounds and Characters. 

Now follows the Consideration of Syllables, and 
the Art of Spelling. 

The formation of Syllables in their Language, doth 
in nothing differ from the formation of Syllables in 
English, and other Languages. 

When I, taught our Indians first to lay out a Word 
into Syllables, and then according to the sound of every 
Syllable to make it up with the right Letters, viz. if it 
were a simple sound, then one Vocall made the Syllable : 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 251 

if it were such a sound as required some of the Conso- 
nants to make it up, then the adding of the right 
Consonants either before the Vocall, or after it, or 
both. They quickly apprehended and understood this 
Epitomie of the Art of Spelling, and could soon learn 
to Reade. 

The Men, Women, and up-grown Youth do [ p 5 -1 
thus rationally learn to Reade : but the Children 
learn by rote and custome, as other Children do. 

Such as desire to learn this Language, must be at- 
tentive to pronounce right, especially to produce that 
Syllable that is first to be produced; then they must 
Spell by Art, and accustome their tongues to pronounce 
their Syllables and Words ; then learn to reade such 
Books as are Printed in their Language. Legendo, 
Scribendo, Loquendo, are the three means to learn 
a Language. 

So much for the Rule of Making Words. 

Now follows the Ordering of them for Speech. 

The several sorts of words are called Parts of 
Speech, which are in number Seven, 

1. The Pronoun. 
2. The Noun, 3. The Adnoun or Adjective. 
4. The Verb. 5. The Adverb. 

6. The Conjunction. 

7. The Interjection. 

Touching these several kindes of Words, we are to 
consider, 

1. The formation of them asunder by themselves. 

2. The construction of them, or the laying them to- 

gether, to make Sense, or a Sentence. 

And thus far Grammar goeth in concatenation with 
Logick: for there is a Reason of Grammar. The 
laying of Sentences together to make up a Speech, is 
performed by Logick : The adorning of that Speech 



252 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

with Eloquence, is performed by Rhetoric. Such a use 
and accord there is in these general Arts. 

In the formation of words asunder by themselves, 

C 1 . The general Qualifications or Affections 
Consider < of words. 

( 2. The Kindes of Words. 

[p- 6 ] ( 1 . In respect of their Rise whence 

The Qualifications ! they spring. 

are j 2. In respect of their Consorts, 

[ how they are yoked. 

f 1 . Original words : suce originis. 

In respect of their j 2.' Ort words sprung out of other : 

Rise some are j f Nominals : or Verbs 

[ Chiefly I made out of Nouns. 

| Verbals: or Nouns made 

t out of Verbs. 

T n rv / . ( Simple words : one alone. 

In respect of Cmlsorts, J Compoundedwords: whenfwo 
some are ) ^ , - , * 

( or more are made into one. 

This Language doth greatly delight in Compounding 
of words, for Abbreviation, to speak much in few words, 
though they be sometimes long ; which is chiefly caused 
by the many Syllables which the Grammar Rule re- 
quires, and suppletive Syllables which are of no signifi- 
cation, and curious care of Euphonic 

So much for the common Affection of words. 



Now follow the sever all Kindes of words. 

" 1 . Chief leading ( Nouns. 
words ; \ Verbs. 

kindes : 1 2. Such as attend upon, and belong 

unto the chief leading words. 



There be two 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 253 

A . . , . f 1 . Such as are proper ( Adnouns. 

Attendants on , 7 r r i 

thl CI r I each; as \ Adverbs. 

'•;.£?■]% Such as are of corn- ( Pronouns. 
are ! \ • * 

[ mon use to both ; as ( Conjunctions. 

Independent Passions or Interjections come fp- 7 
under no Series or Girder, but are of use in 
Speech, to express the passionate minde of man. 

Touching the principal parts of Speech, this may be 
said in general, That Nouns are the names of Things, 
and Verbs are the names of Actions; and therefore 
their proper Attendants are answerable. Adnouns are 
the qualities of Things, and Adverbs are the qualities 
of Actions. 

And hence is that wise Saying, T%a£ a Christian 
must be adorned with as many Adverbs as Adjectives : 
He must as well do good, as be good. When a man's 
virtuous Actions are well adorned with Adverbs, every 
one will conclude that the man is well adorned with 
virtuous Adjectives. 



1. Of the Pronoun* 

Because of the common and general use of the Pro- 
noun to be affixed unto both Nouns, Verbs, and other 
parts of Speech, and that in the formation of them ; 
therefore that is the first Part of Speech to be handled. 

I shall give no other description of them but this, 
They are such words as do express all the persons, 
both singular and plural: as 

( Neen /. ) ( Neenawun or kenawun, '-We. 

Sing. < Ken Thou > Plu. < Kenaau Ye. 

( Noh or nagum He. ) ( Nahoh or Nagoh, They. 

There be also other Pronouns of frequent use : 

As the Interrogative of persons : sing. Howan.j?Z. Howanig, Who. 

irpi T . ,■ f , r ( sing. Uttiyeu, or tanyeu. 

The Interrogate of things ; \ ^ttiyeush, Which. 



254 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

C sing. Yeuoh, This or that man. Noh. 
/ of persons : < pi. Yeug, These men. Nag or 

Demonstratives ) j Ye^T^Ne This. 

\ of things : < 

( Yeush These. Nish TAese. 

[p. 8.] 

t^. . ., ,. ( Nawhutchee, some. ( Tohsuoe;? ( xr <? 

Distributives : as < *„ s m , ° , < iiow wanw / 

' ( Monaog, many. { Tohsunash ( ° 

But because these are not of use in affixing to other 
Parts of Speech, they may as well be reckoned among 
Adnouns, as some do ; though there is another Schesis 
upon them, and they attend upon Verbs as well as Nouns. 

The first and second persons are of most use in affixing 
both of Nouns and Verbs, and other Parts of Speech. 

The third person singular is affixed with such 
Syllables as these, Wut. wun. um. go. $$c. having re- 
spect to Euphonie : And sometime the third person, 
especially of Verbs, hath no affix. 

These Pronouns, (Neen and Ken) when they are 
affixed, they are contracted into Ne and Ke, and varied 
in the Vocal or Vowel according to Euphonie, with the 
word it is affixed unto ; as Nco, Koo, fyc. 

If the word unto which it is affixed begin with a 
Vocal, then a Consonant of a fitting sound is inter- 
posed, to couple the word and his affix with an 
Euphonie : as Nut. kut. num. kum, Sfc. 

I give not Examples of these Rules, because they 
will be so obvious anon, when you see Nouns and 
Verbs affixed. 



2. Of a Noun. 

A Noun is a Part of Speech which signifieth a thing; 
or it is the name of a thing. 

The variation of Nouns is not by Male and Female, 
as in other Learned Languages, and ' in European 
Nations they do. 



■ 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 255 

Nor are they varied by Cases, Cadencies, and End- 
ings : herein they are more like to the Hebreic. 

Yet there seemeth to be one Cadency or Case of the 
first Declination of the form Animate, which endeth 
in oh, uh, or ah ; viz. when an animate Noun fol- 
loweth a Verb transitive whose object that he acteth 
upon is icithout himself. For Example : Gen. 1. 16. 
the last word is anogqsog, stars. It is an Erratum : 
it should be anogqsoh; because it followeth the 
Verb ayim, He made. Though it be an Erra- [p. 9.] 
turn in the Press, it is the fitter in some respects 
for an Example. 

In Nouns, ( 1. Genera, or kindes of Nouns, 
consider \ 2. The qualities or affections thereof. 

The kindes of Nouns are two; according to which 
there be two Declensions of Nouns, for the variation of 
the number. 

Numbers are two : Singular and Plural. 

The first kinde of Nouns is, when the thing signified 
is a lining Creature. 

The second kinde is, when the thing signified is not 
a living Creature. 

Therefore I order them thus : 

There be two forms or declensions ( Animate. 
of Nouns : \ Inanimate. 

The Animate form or declension is, when the thing 
signified is a living Creature ; and such Nouns do 
alwayes make their Plural in (og) ; as, 

Wosketomp, Man. Wosketompaog. (a) is but for Euphonk. 

Mittamwossis, A Woman. Mittamwossissog. 

Nunkomp, A young Man. Nunkompaog. 

Nunksqau, A Girl. Nunksqauog. 

Englishman. Englishmanog. 

Englishwoman. Englishwomanog. 
So Manit, God. Manitioog. 

Mattannit, The Devil. Mattannittoog. 
So Ox, Oxesog. Horse, Horsesog. 



256 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



The Stars they put in this form. 

Anogqs, A Star. Anogqsog. 
Muhhog, The Body. Muhhogkooog. 
Psukses, A little Bird. Psuksesog. 
Ahtuk, A Deer. Ahtuhquog. 
Mukquoshim. A Wolf. Mukquoshimwog. 
Mosq, A Bear. Mosquog. 
Tummunk, The Beaver. Tummunkquaog. 
Puppinashim, A Beast. Puppinashimwog. 
Askook, A Snake or Worm. Askookquog. 
Namohs, A Fish. Namohsog. fyc. 

Some few exceptions I know. 

[ P . io] 2. The Inanimate form or declension of 
Nouns, is when the thing signified is not a living 
Creature : and these make the Plural in ash ; as 

Hussun, A Stone. Hussunash. 
Qussuk, A Rock. Qussukquanash. 

Of this form are all Vegitables: 

Mehtug, A Tree. Mehtugquash. 
Moskeht, Grass: Mosketuash. 

And of this form are all the parts of the Body : as 

Muskesuk, The Eye or Face. Muskesukquash. 
Mehtauog, An Ear. Mehtauogwash. 
Meepit, A Tooth. Meepitash. 
Meenan, The Tongue. Meenanash. 
MussissittoDn, A Lip. Mussissittoonash. 
MuttoDn, A Mouth. Muttoonash. 
Menutcheg, A Hand. Menutchegash. 
Muhpit, An Arm. Muhpittenash. 
Muhkont, A Leg. Muhkontash. 
Musseer, The Foot. Musseetasb. 

Of this form are all Virtues, and all Vices : as 

Waantamoonk, Wisdome. Waantamooongash, or onganash. 

All Verbals are of this form, which end in onk, and 
make their Plural in ongash, or in onganash. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 257 

All Virtues and Vices (so far as at present I discern) 
are Verbals, from their activity and readiness to turn 
into Verbs. 

All Tools and Instruments of Labour, Hunting, 
Fishing, Fowling, are of this form. All Apparel, 
Housing : All Fruits, Rivers, Waters, S^c. 

So much for the kindes of Nounes. 



The common Affections or Qualifications are two 
The affixing of the Noun with the Pronoun. 
The ranging them into several Ranks. 



\i. 



1. The way of affixing of Nouns, is the put- tp-iU 
ting or using of the Noun in all the tlfree persons, 
both Singular and Plural. 

This manner of speech being a new thing to us that 
know the European or Western Languages, it must be 
demonstrated to us by Examples. 
j 

Me tab, the Heart. 

C Nuttah, my heart. ) C Nuttahhun, our heart. 
Sing. < Kuttah, thy heart. > PI. < Kuttahhou, your heart. 
( Wuttah, his heart. ) ( Wuttahhou, their heart. 

Menutcheg, A Hand. 

C Nunnutcheg, my hand. } C Nunnutcheganun, our hand. 

Sing. < Kenutcheg, thy hand. > PL < Kenutcheganoo, your hand. 

I Wunnutcheg, his hand. ) ( Wmmutchegancc, their hand. 

C Nunnutcheganash, my hands. 
Sing. < Kenutchegash, or kenutcheganash, thy hands. 

( Wunnutchegash, or wunnutcheganash, his hands. 

C Nunnutcheganunnonut, our hands. 
PL < Kenutcheganoovvout, your hands. 
( Wunnutcheganoowout, their hands. 

Wetu, A House. 

C Neek, my house. ) C Neekun, our house. 
Sing. < Keek, thy house. > PL I Keekou, your house. 
I Week, his house. ) ( Weekou, their house. 

vol. ix. 34 



258 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

tit, in. 
( Neekit, in my house. ) C Neekunonut, in our house. 
Sing. < Keekit, in thy house. > PI. < Keekuwout, in your house. 
( Weekit, in his house. ) ( Weekuwout, or wekuwomut, 

[in his house. 
Hence we corrupt this word Wigwam. 

So much may at present suffice for the affixing of Nouns- 

[ P . 12.] Now for the ranging them into ranks. 

(The Primitive. 
There be three Ranks of Nouns ; < The Diminutive, 

( The Possessive. 

The same Noun may be used in all these Ranks* 

The primitive Rank expresses the thing as it is; as 
Nunkomp, a Youth. Nunksqua, a Girl. Ox. Sheep. 
Horse. Pig. So Hassun, a stone. Mehtug, a tree. 
IVJoskeht, grass or herb. 

2. The diminutive Rank of Nouns doth lessen the 
thing, and expresses it to be a little one; and it is 
formed by adding, with a due Euphonie (es) or (ernes) 
unto the primitive Noun. For example, I shall use 
the same Nouns named in the first Rank, here in the 
second Rank : as Nunkompaes or ernes. Nunksquaes, 
or ernes. Oxemes. Sheepsemes. Horsemes. Pigs- 
ernes. Hassunemes. Mehtugques, or Mehtugquemes. 
Moskehtuemes. 

And so far as I perceive, these two endings (es and 
(ernes) are degrees of diminution: (ernes) is the least. 

3. The possessive Rank of Nouns, is when the 
person doth challenge an interest in the thing. Hence, 
as the other Ranks may be affixed, this must be affixed 
with the Pronoun. 

And it is made by adding the Syllable (eum or com, or 
urn) according to Euphonie, unto the affixed Noun. 
For Example: Num-Manittoom,m^/6ro/i. Nuttineneum, 
my pian. Nunnunkompoo m . Nunnunksquaeum. Nu- 
toxineum. Nusheepseum. Nuthorsesum. Nuppigsum. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 259 

Nuthassunneum. Nummehtugkoom. Nummoskehteum. 
Nummoskehleumash. 

Both the primitive Noun, and the diminutive Noun, 
may be used in the form possessive ; as Nutsheepseme- 
seum, and the like. 

Nouns may be turned into Verbs two wayes : 

1. By turning the Noun into the Verb-substantive 
form : as Wosketompooo, He became a man. Of this 
see more in the Verb Substantive. 

2. All Nouns that end in onk, as they come f p - 13] 
from Verbs by adding (onk), so they will turn 

back again into Verbs, by taking away (onk) and form- 
ing the word according to the Ride of Verbs ; as 

Waantamoonk is Wisdome : lake away onk, and then it may be 
formed Noowaantam, I am wise. Kcowaantam, Thou wise, fyc. 
Waantam, He wise, &c. 



3. Of Adnouns. 

An Adnoun is a part of Speech that attendeth upon 
a Noun, and signifieth the Qualification thereof. 

The Adnoun is capable of both the Animate and 
Inanimate forms : and it agree th with his leading 
Noun, in form, number, and person. 

For example : Rev. 4. 4 thtre is Neesneechagkodtash 
nabo yau appuongash, Twenty-four Thrones. And 
Neesneechagkodtog yauog Eldersog, Twenty-four 
Elders. Here be two Nouns of the two several forms, 
Animate and Inanimate; and the same Adnoun is 
made to agree with them both. 

The Inanimate form of Adnouns end some in i, and 
some in e. 



260 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Animate form in es, or esu : and those are 
turned into Verbs by taking the affix. As 

Wompi, White. Wompiyeuash. 
Mooi, Black. Mooeseuash. 
Menuhki, Strong. Menuhkiyeuash. 
NcDchumwi, Weak. Noochumwiyeuash. 

The same words in the Animate form : 

• 
Wompesu. Wompesuog. 
Mooesu. Mooesuog. 
Menuhkesu. Menubkesuog. 
Noocbumwesu. -Noochumwesuog. 

Put the affix to these, and they are Verbs. 



[ P . 14.] Numerals belong unto Adnotms, and in them 
there is something remarkable. 
From the number 5 and upward, they adde a- worde 
supplctice, which signifielh nothing, but receiveth the 
Grammatical variation of the Declension, according to 
the things numbered, A nimate or Inanimate. The 
Additional is (tohsu) or (tahshe), which is varied 
(tohsuog, tohsuash, or tohshinash.) 



For Example : 



1 Nequt. 

2 JVeese. 

3 Nish. 

4 Yau. 



5 Napanna tahshe < .. , °i 
r ( tohsuash. 



6 Nequtta tahshe. 

7 JYesausuk tahshe. 

8 Shwosuk tahshe. 

9 Paskoogun tahshe. 

10 Piuk. Piukqussuog. Piuk- 
qussuash. 



Then from 10 to 20 they adde afore the Numeral 
(nab or nabo) and then it is not needful to adde the 
following additional, though sometimes they do it. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 261 



As for Example : 



1 1 JYabo nequt. 

12 Nabo neese. 

13 JYabo nish. 

14 Nabo yau. 

15 JYabo napanna. 



16 JYabo nequtta. 

17 JYabo nesausuk. 

18 JYabo shwosuk. 

1 9 JYabo paskoogun . 

ZOMesneechag^f^ 



Then upivards they adde to Neesneechag, the single 
Numbers to 30, fyc. 

30 JYishwinchag. kodtog, kodtash. 
40 JYauunchag, kodtog, kodtash. 
50 JYapannatahshinchag kodtog, kodtash. 
60 JYequtta tahshinchag kodtog, kodtash. 
70 JYesausuk tahshinchag kodtog, kodtash. 
80 Shwosuk tahshinchag kodtog, kodtash. tP- 15 ^ 

90 Paskoogun tahshinchag kodtog, kodtash, 
100 JYequt pasuk kooog. kcoash. 

1000 Nequt muttannonganog J gg ? J or J gjjg; 

The Adnoun is frequently compounded with the 
Noun, and then usually they are contracted : as 

Womposketomp, .# wfee man. 

Mcosketomp, A black man. 

Menuhkoshketomp, A strong man. 

Menulikekont, A strong leg. Qimubtug, of qunni, long. 

Mehtug, Wood or Tree. And this word is used for a Pike. 

When the Noun becometh a Verb, then the Adnoun 
becometh an Adverb. 

There is no form of comparison that I can yet 
finde, but degrees are expressed by a word signifying 
more : as Anue menuhkesu, More strong : And Nano 
More and more. Moocheke, Much. Peesik or 
Peasik, Small. 



262 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



4. Of the Verb, 



A Verb is when the thing signified is an Action. 

There be two sorts of Verbs. The Verb i A , . 

t Active. 

The Verb Substantive, is when any thing hath the 
signification of the Verb Substantive added to it : as 
(am, art, is, are, was, were) &c. Actuall being is 
above the nature of a Noun, and beneath the nature of 
a Verb Active. 

We have no compleat distinct word for the Verb 
Substantive, as other Learned Languages, and our 
English Tongue have, but it is under a regular compo- 
sition whereby many words are made Verb Substantive. 

[ P . i6.] ah ma y J3 G re f errec j t0 three sorts, so far as yet 
I see. 

1 . The first sort of Verb Substantives is made by add- 
ing any of these Terminations to the word, yeuoo, aco, 
ooo ; with due Euphonie : And this is so, be the word a 
Noun; as Wosketompoco, He is a man : Or Adnoun ; 
as Wompiyeuco, It is white : Or be the word an Adverb, 
or the like ; as James 5. 12. Mattayeucoutch, Let it be 
nay : Nuxyeuooutch, Let it be yea. The words in the 
Text are spelled with respect to pronunciation, more 
than to Grammatical! composition : here I spell them 
with*respect to Grammaticall composition. See more 
Examples of this, Exod. 4. 3, 4, 6, 7. 
, 2. The second sort of Verb Substa?itives is when the 
animate Adnoun is made the third person of the Verb, 
and so formed as a Verb : as Wompesu, White : 
Menuhkesu, Strong; may be formed as a Verb: 
Noowompes, Koowompes, Wompesu. And so the 
like uwrds. 

And of this sort are all Adnouns of Vertue or Vice : 
as Waantam, Wise : Assootu, Foolish, &c. 

Whatever is affirmed to be, or denied to be, or if it be 
asked if it be, or expressed to be made to be ; All such 
words may be Verb Substantives. I say, may be, because 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 263 

there be other wayes in the Language to express such 
a sense by. But it may be thus. 

3. The third sort are Verb Substantive passive, 
when the Verb Substantive (am, is, was, &c.) is so 
annexed to a Verb Active, that the person affixed is the 
object of the act : as Noowadchanit, I am kept. 
So much for the Verb Substantive. 



Now followeth the Verb Active. 

A Verb Active is when the word signifieth a compleat 
action, or a casuall power exerted. 

Verbs inceptive or inchoatives, I find not; such a 
notion is expressed by another word added to the Verb, 
which signifieth to begin, or to be about to do it. 

Also when the Action is doubled, or frequented, 
&c. this notion hath not a distinct form, but is [ P .n.] 
expressed by doubling the first Syllable of the 
word : as Mohnioeog, they oft met ; Sasabbath- 
dayeu, every Sabbath. 

There be two sorts or forms of Verbs Active : 

CI. The Simple form. 
I 2. The Suffix form. 

The Simple form of the Verb Active, is when the act 
is conversant about a Noun inanimate onely : as 

Noowadchanumunneek, I keep my house. 
And this Verb may take the form of an Adnoun : as 

Noowadchanumunash nooweatchimineash, I keep my com. 

Or every person of this Verb, at least in the Indica- 
tive Mode, will admit the plural Number of the Noun 
inanimate. 

The Suffix form of the Verb Active, is when the act 
is conversant about animate Nouns onely ; or about 
both animate and inanimate also : as 

Koowadchansh, I keep thee. 
Koowadchanumoush, I keep it for thee. 



264 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

There be Jive Concordances of the Suffix form Active, 
wherein the Verb doth receive a various formation. I 
think there be some more, but I have beat out no more. 

The reason why I call them Concordances, is, Because 
the chief weight and strength of the Syntaxis of this 
Language, lyeth in this eminent manner of formation 
of Nouns and Verbs, with the Pronoun persons. 

1. The first Concordance is, when the object of the 
act is an animate Noun. I call it, The Suffix animate 
object : as 

Koowadchansh, 1 keep thee. 

2. The Suffix animate mutual : when animates are 
each others object : as 

Noovvadchanittimun, We keep each other. 
This form ever wanteth the singular Number. 

3. The Suffix animate end, and inanimate object : as 

Koowadchanumoush, I keep it for thee ; or, for thy use. 

[p . is.] 4. The Suffix animate form social : as 

Kooweechewadchanumwomsh, I keep it with thee. 

5. The Suffix form advocate or in stead form, when 
one acteth in the room or stead of another: as 

Koowadchammiwanshun, I keep it for thee ; I act in thy stead. 

This form is of great use in Theologie, to express 
what Christ hath done for us : as 

Nunnuppoowonuk, He died for me. 
Kenuppoowonuk, He died for thee. 
Kenuppoowonukqun, He died for us. 
Kenuppoowonukco, He died for you. &c. 

All these forenamed forms of Verbs, both Verb Sub- 
stantives and Verbs Active, both Simple and Suffix, may 
be varied under three distinct forms of variation; viz. 

, C Affirmative ; when the act is affirmed. 
< Negative: when the act is denied. 
( Interrogative : when the act is questioned. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 265 

Again, many of these forms may also be varied in a 
form causative, in all cases where the efficient is capable 
to be compelled, or caused to act. 

All these will be more conspicuous in the Paradigms, 
or Examples. 

To make compleat work, I should set down many ex- 
amples. 

But I shall (at present) set down onely two examples : 
One of the Simple form Active, which may generally 
serve for all the Verb Substantives. 

The second Example of the Suffix animate form, which 
may generally serve for all the Concordances of Verbs suf- 
fixed. Even as the Meridian of Boston may generally 
serve for all New- England : And the Meridian of London 
may generally serve for all England. 

And these will be enough to busy the heads of Learn- 
ers for a while. 

Note this, That all Verbs cannot be formed [p-19] 
through all these forms, but such Verbs as in 
reason of Speech are useable all these wayes, which sundry 
Verbs are not; as, I sleep, eat, piss, &c. 

Before I come to the Paradigms, there be other gen- 
eral considerations about Verbs. 



a 



. Divers Modes of the action. 
In verbs consider s ^ t^- m- $z* ,■ 

Divers 1 imes of the action. 



First, The Modes of actions in this language are five. 

1. The Indicative, Demonstrative, or Interrogative 
Mode, which doth fully assert the action or deny it, or en- 
quire if it be asserted : 

( Noowadchanumun, I do keep it. 
As < Noowadchanumooun, JF do not keep it. 
( Noowadchanurnunas, Do I keep it? 

2. The Imperative, or Hortative, or Praying ?&& Bless- 
ing Mode, is when the action is Commanded, or Exhorted 

vol. ix. 35 



266 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

to be done, or Prayed for. When a Superiour speaks in 
this Mode, he commands. When an Inferiour speaks in 
this Mode, he prayes and intreats. When a minister 
speaks in this Mode, he exhorts, and blesseth. 

Wadchansh, Keep thou. 
Wadchaneh, Keep me. 

3. The Optative, Wishing , or Desiring Mode, when 
one desireth the action to be done : as 

Noowaadchanumun toh, I wish or desire to keep it. 

4. The Subjunctive, or rather the Supposing, or Sup- 
positive Mode, when the action is onely supposed to be; as 
in these three expressions : 

(If it be. 
<? When it is. 
{ It being. 

And this third sense and meaning of this Mode of the 
Verb, doth turn this Mode into a Participle, like an Ad- 
noun, very frequently. 

[p. 20.] 5. The Indefinite Mode, which doth onely as- 
sert the action without limitation of person or 
time ; and it is made of the Indicative Mode by adding 
the termination [at) and taking away the suffix : as 

Wadchanumunat, To keep. 

There is another Mode of the Verb in reason of speech, 
and in some other Languages, viz. The Potential, which 
cloth render the action in a possibility to be. But this 
Language hath not such a .Mode, but that notion is ex- 
pressed by a word signifying (may) to the Indicative 
Mode. The usual word with us is (woh) may or can. 

All these Modes of the Verb are timed by Tenses, sav- 
ing the Indefinite Mode, and that is unlimited. 

The times are two; Present, and Pas/. The time to 
come is expressed by a wprd signifyingyWi«nfy, added to 
the Indicative Mode) as (mos, pish,* shall, or t/;*7/). 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 267 

In the Roman Language there do belong unto this In- 
definite Mode, gerundive, lofty, and vapouring Expressions ; 
also supine, sluggish, dull, and sunk-hearted Expressions. 
And though the spirit of this People, viz. the vapouring 
pride of some, and the dull-hearted supinity of others, 
might dispose them to such words and expressions, yet I 
cannot find them out. 

As Nouns are often turned into Verbs, so Verbs are 
often turned into Nouns ; and a frequent way of it is, 
by adding (onk) to the Verb : as 

Noowompes, I am white. t 

Koowompes, Thou art white. 
Noowompesuonk, My whiteness. 
Koowompesuonk, Thy whiteness. 

Every person of the Verb that is capable of such a 
change in the reason of Speech, may so be turned into a 
Noun singular or plural. 

Before I set down the Examples of Formation of Verbs, 
I will finish a few Observations about the remaining Parts 
of Speech. 



5. Of Adverbs. 



[p. 21.] 



An Adverb is a word that attendeth upon the Verb, 
and signifieth the quality of the action, by Extension, Dim- 
inution, Rectitude, Curvation, Duration, Cessatiofi, &c. 
according to the various qualities of all sorts of actions. 

Adverbs do usually end in (e or u), as wame or icamu, 
All : Menuhke or Menuhku, Strongly. 

The several sorts of Adverbs (according as Learned 
Grammarians have gathered them together) are 

1. Of time. Yeuveu, Now. »Wunnonkou, Yesterday. 
Saup, Tomorrow. Ahquompak, When., .Paswu, Lately. 



268 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Noadtuk, A long time. Teanuk, Presently. Kut- 
tumma, Very lately. 

2. Of place. Uttiyeu, Where. Naut, There. Ano- 
mut, Within. Woskeche, Without. Onkoue, Beyond. 
Negonnu, First. Wuttat, Behinde. 

3. Of order. Negonnu, First. Nahohtoeu, Second. 
Nishwu, Third, &c. 

4. Of Asking. Sun, Sunnummatta ; Is it ? or Is it 
not? Tohwutch, Why. 

5. Of Calling. Hoh. Chuh. 

6. Affirming. Nux, Yea. Wunnamuhkut, Truely. 

7. Denying. Matta, Matchaog, No. Also Mo 
I sometimes signifieth No. They have no Adverbs of 

Swearing, nor any Oath, that T can yet finde : onely 

Iwe teach them to Swear before a Magistrate By the great 
and dreadful name of the Lord. The word we make 
for swearing, signifieth to speak vehemently. 

8. Of exhorting or Encouraging. Ehhoh, Hah. 

9. Of Forbidding. Ahque, Beware, Do not. 

10. Of Wishing. Woi, Napehnont, Oh that it 
were. Toh. 

11. Of Gathering together . Moeu, Together. Yeu 
nogque, This way-ward. Nenogque, That way-ward. 
Kesukquieu, Heaven-ward. Ohkeiyeu, Earth-ward. 

12 Of Choosing. Anue, More rather. Teaogku, 
Rather, unfinished. Nahen, Almost. Asquam, not yet. 
[ P . 22.] 13. Of Continuation. Ash, Still. 
14. Of Shewing. Kusseh, Behold. 

15. Of Doubting. Pagwodche, It may be. Toh, 
It may be. 

16. Of Likeness. Netatup, Like so. Nemehkuh, 
So. Neane, As. 

1 7. Of unexpected Hap. Tiadche, Unexpectedly. 

18. Of Quality. Wunnegen. Matchet. Waantamwe, 
8{c. 

Of this kinde are all Virtues and Vices, fyc. 

Adverbs are oft turned into Adnouns, especially when 
his Verb is turned into a Noun. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN- 269 



6. Of the Conjunction. 

A Conjunction is a Part of Speech to joyn Words 
and Sentences : As 

Causatives. Wutch, wutche, newutche. For, from, 
because. Yeu waj, For this cause. 

Disjunctives. Asuh, Or. 

Discretives. Qut, But. 

Suppositives. Tohneit, If. 

Exceptives. Ishkont, Least. Chaubohkish, Except, 
or besides. Kuttumma, Unless. 

Diversatives. Tohkonogque, Although. 

Of Possibility. Woh, May or Can. 

Of Place. In, en, ut, at. In, At or To. 



7. Of Interjections. 

An Interjection is a word or sound that uttereth the 
passion of the minde, without deperidance on other words. 
Of Sorrow. Woi, cowee. 
Of Marvelling. Ho, hoo. 
Of Disdaining. Qu ah . 
Of Encouraging. Hah, Ehoh. 

There be also suppletive Syllables of no signi- [p . 23.3 
fication, but for ornament of the word : as tit, tin, 
tinne; and these in way of an Elegancy, receive the 
affix which belongeth to the Noun or Verb following ; 
as nuttit, kuttit, wuttit, nuttin, kuttin, wuttin, nuttinne, 
kuttinne, wuttinne. 

Other Languages have their significant suppletives 
for Elegancy : and some of our English Writers begin 
so to use [Why], but I conceive it to be a mistake. 
Our suppletive is rather [Weh], and [Why] is a signifi- 
cant word. It oft puts the Reader to this inconven- 
ience, to stay and look whether it be significant or not ; 



270 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

and some are stumbled at it. It is seldome an Ele- 
gancy, to make a significant word a meer suppletive. 
So much for the formation of icords asunder. 



For the Construction of icords together, I will give 
three short Rules. 

1. When two Nouns come together, one of them is 
turned into a kinde of an Adverb, or Adnoun, and that 
is an Elegancy in the Language : of which see frequent 
Examples. See 1 Pet. 2. 2. Pahke sogkodtungane 
wuttinnowaonk, The pure milkie word, for milk of the 
word. The like may be observed a thousand times. 

2. When two Verbs come together, the latter is the In- 
finitive Mode : as in the same 1 Pet. 2. 5. Kooweekik- 
onitteamwoo sephausinat. Yeare built, &c. to sacrifice, 
&c. And a thousand times more this Rule occurs. 

3. When a Noun or a Verb is attended upon with an 
Adnoun, or Adverb, the affix which belongeth to the 
Noun or Verb is prefixed to the Adnoun or Adverb ; as in 
the same Chapter, 1 Pet. 2. 9. Ummonchanatamwe 
wequaiyeumut, His Marvellous light: The affix of Light 
is prefixed to marvellous. Keowaantamwe ketoohkam. 
Thou speakest wisely : The affix of speaking is prefixed 
to wisely. This is a frequent Elegancy in the Language. 

But the manner of the formation of the Nouns and 
Verbs have such a latitude of use, that there needeth 
little other Syntaxis in the Language. 

[ P . 24.] I shall now set down Examples of Verbs : and 
first of the Simple form. And here 
First, I shall set down a Verb Active, whose object is 
Inanimate : 

as Noowadchanumun, I keep it. (Be it tool or garment.) 
And secondly, I shall set down a Verb Substantive : 

as Noowaantam, I am wise. 
Both these I shall set down Parallel in two Columes. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



271 



The form Affirmative. 
Indicative Mode. 



Present tense. 
I keep it. 
( Noowadchanumun 
Sing. < Kcowadchanumun 
(^ cowadchanumun. 
Ncowadchanumumun 
Plur. { Koowadchanumumwoo 
Wadchanumwog. 



Present tense. 
/ am wise. 
C Noowaantam 
Sing. < Koowaantam 
( Waantam noh. 

C Noowaantamumun 
Plur. < Koowaantamumwoo 
( Waantamwog. 



Prceter tense. Prater tense. 

( Noowadchanumunap C Noowaantamup 

Sing. < Koowadchanuraunap Sing. < Koowaantamup 

( oowadchanumunap. ( Waantamup. 

f Noowadchanumumunnonup C Noowaantamumunnonup 

pj 2 Kcowadchanumumwop -, ) Koowaantamumwop 

• ) Wadchanumuppanneg : or ) ix T 

I a u ' v. VVaantamuppanneg. 

v cowadcnanummuaop. rr b 

The Imperative Mode, when it Commands or Exhorts 
it wanteth the first person singular : but when we Pray 
in this Mode, as alwayes we do, then it hath the first 
person; as, Let me be tcise; but there is no formation 
of the word to express it ; yet it may be expressed 
by adding this word unto the Indicative Mode tp . 25.] 
[pa], as, Panoo waantam, Let me be wise. Our 
usual formation of the Imperative Mode is without the 
first person singular, casting away the affix. 



Imperative Mode 

Present tense. 

Wad chan ish 

Wadchanitch. 
C Wadchanumuttuh 
plur. < Wadchanumook 

( WadchanumahettTch. 



skg. I 



Present tense. 
~. C Waantash 
° * \ Waantaj. 
( Waantamuttuh 
Waantamook 
Waantamohettich. 



pi 



The Imperative Mode cannot admit of any other 
time than the Present. 



272 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



The Optative Mode. 

Present tense. Present tense. 

C Noowaadchanumun-toh ( Noowaaantamun-toh 
Sing. < Koowaadchanumun-toh Sing. < Koowaaantamun-toh 

( oowaadchanumun-toh. ( cowaaantamun-toh. 

( Noowaadchanumunnan-toh ( Noowaaantamunan-toh 

plur. < Koowaadchanumunnan-toh pi. < Koowaaantamuneau-toh 

C oowaadchanumuneau-toh. r oowaaantamuneau-toh. 



Prceter tense. 

C Noowaadchanumunaz-toh ( 

Sing. < Koowaadchanumunaz-toh S. < 

( cowaadchanumunaz-toh. ( 

Plu. 

C Ncowaadchanumunannonuz-toh ( 

< Koowaadchanumunaouz-toh <^ 

( oowaadchanumunaouz-toh. ( 

It seems their desires are slow 
Because they he uttered double 



Prceter tense. 
Ncowaaantamunaz-toh 
Kcowaaantamunaz-toh 
cowaaantamunaz-toh. 

Plu. 
Noowaaantamunanoiz-toh 
Koowaaantamunaoiz-toh 
oowaaaataraunaoiz-toh. 

but strong ; 
-breath't, and long. 



[p. 26.] 

The Suppositive Mode : which usually flats the first 
Vocal and layes by the affix. 

Present tense. 

C Wadchanuraon 
Sing. < Wadchanuman 

( Wadchanuk. 

rWadchanumog 
plur. < Wadchanumog 

{ Wadchanumahettit. 



Present tense. 

C Waantamon 
Sing. < Waantaman 

( Waantog. 

C Waantamog 
plur. < Waantamog 

( Waantamohettit. 



Prater tense. 

C Wadchanumos 
Sing. < Wadchanumosa 

( Wadchanukis. 

( Wadchanumogkus 
plur. < Wadchanumogkus 

( Wadchanumahettis. 



Prceter tense. 

( Waantamos 
Sing. < Waantamas 

( Waantogkis. 

C Waantamogkis 
plur. < Waantamogkis 

f Waantamohettis. 



u 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN, 



273 



The Indefinite Mode, 

Wadchanumunat Waantamunat. 



Indicative Mode. The form Negative, which is varied 
from the Affirmative by interposing [oo]. 



Present tense. 

C Noowadchanumooun 
Sing, < Koowadchanumooun 

(^ oowadchanumooun. 

I Noowadchanumoounnonup 
plur. < Koowadchanumoowop 

( Wadchanumooog. 

Prater tense. 
C Noovvadchanumoounap 
Sing. < Koowadchanumoounap 
( oowadchanumoounap. 

Plu. 
C Noowadchanumoounnanonup 
< Koowadchanumoowop 
( Wadchanumoopanneg. 



Present tense. 

C Noowaantamooh 
Sing* < Koowaantamooh 

( Waantamooh. 

C Noowaantamoomun 
plur. < Koowaantamoomwoo 

( Waantamooog. 

Prater tense. 
C Noowaantamoop 
Sing. < Koowaantamoop 
( oowaantamop. 

Plu. 
C Noowaantamoomunnonup 
< Koowaantamoomwop 
( Waantamoopanneg. 



[p. 27.] 

The Imperative Mode of the Negative simple form. 



Present tense. 

«. < Wadchanuhkon 
*™g : £ Wadchanuhkitch. 

( Wadchanumoouttuh 
plur. < wadchanumoohteok 

r wadchanumohettekitch. 



Present tense. 

«. C Waantukon 
wng- I Waantukitch. 

C Waantamoouttuh 
plur. < waantamoohteok 

( waantamohettekitch. 



The Optative Mode is of seldome use, and very difficult, 
therefore I pass it by. 



VOL. IX. 



36 



274 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



The Suppositive Mode of the Simple form. 



Present tense. 

C Wadchanumooun 
Sing. < Wadchanumooan 

( Wadchancog. 

C Wadchanumooog 
Plur. < Wadchanumooog 

( Wadchanumcoahettit, or 
oohetteg.] 

Prater tense. 

C Wadchanumcoos 
Sing. < Wadchanumooosa 
( Wadchanumcogkis* 

C Wadchanumcoogkus 
Plur. < Wadchanumcoogkus 
f Wadchanumcoahettis. 



Present tense. 

C Waantamcoon 
Sing. < Waantamooan 

( Waantamcog. 

C Waantamcoog 
Plur. < Waantamcoog 

( Waantamcoohettit, or 
oohetteg.] 

Prater tense. 

C Waantamooos 
Sing. < Waantamcoas 
( Waantamcogkis. 

C Waantamooogkus 
Plur. < Waantamooogkus 
( Waantamcoohettis. 



The Indefinite Mode of the Simple form Negative. 
Wanchanumcounat Waantamcounat. 



The Simple form Interrogative, is formed onely in the 
Indicative Mode : All Questions are alwayes asked in 
this Mode of the Verb, and in no other ; and it is jorm- 
ed by adding [ds] to the Affirmative. 

Indicative Mode. 



Present tense. 

. C Ncowadchanumunas 
,|f< Koowadchanumunas 
^ ( cowadchanumunaous 



Present tense. 

C Ncowadchanumunnanonus 
Plur. < Kcowadchanumunnaous 

( cowadchanumunnaous Nag. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



275 



[p. 28.] 



The Suffix form animate Affirmative. 



Here I carry in a Parallel our English Verb (Pay) that so any 
may distinguish betwixt what is Grammar, and what belongs to 
the word. And remember ever to pronounce (pay), because else you 
will be ready to read it (pau). Also remember, that (Paum) is the 
radicall word, and all the rest is Grammar. In this remarkable 
way of speech, the Efficient of the Act, and the Object, and some- 
times the End also, are in a regular composition comprehended in 
the Verb : and there is no more difficulty in it, when use hath 
brought our Notion to it, than there is in other Languages, if so 
much. 

Indicative Mode. Present tense. 



SP 



IN 



IP 



GO 



I keep thee, 




I pay thee; 


Kcowadchansh. 




IjCuppaumush. 


I keep him, 


. 


I pay him, 


Noowadchan. 


"2 J 


Nuppayum. 


I keep you, 


»o 


1 pay you, 


Koowadchanunumwoo. 


^ 


Kuppaumunumwco. 


I keep them, 




I pay them, 


. Noowadchanoog, 




Nuppaumoog. 


Thou keepest me, 




Thou payest me, 


Koowadchaneh. 




Kuppaumeh. 


Thou keepest him, 


. 


Thou payest him, 


Koowadchan. 


■3 . 


Kuppaum. 


Thou keepest us, 


V 


Thou payest us, 


Koowadchanimun, 


c* 


Kuppaumimun. 


Thou keepest them, 




Thou payest them 


Koowadchanoog. 




Kuppaumoog. 


He keepeth me, 




r He payeth me, 


Ncowadchanuk. - 




Nuppaumuk. 


He keepeth thee, 




He payeth thee, 


Koowadchanuk. 




Kuppaumuk. 


He keepeth him, 




He payeth him, 


cowadchanuh. 




Uppaumuh, 


He keepeth us, 


*<1 


He payeth us, 


Kcowadchanukqun, 


CO 


Kuppaumukqun. 


He keepeth you, 




He payeth you, 


Koowadchanukoo. 




Kuppaumukou. 


He keepeth them, 




He payeth them, 


cowadchanuh. 




Uppaumuh nah. 



276 


THE INDIAN 


GRAMMAR BEGUN. 


[p. 29.] 






Indicative Mode. 


Present tense. 




Present tense. 




We keep thee, 


We pay thee, 




Koovvadchanunumun. 




Kuppaumunumun. 


^ 


We keep him, 


, 


We pay him, 




noowadchanoun. 


*< 


nuppaumoun. 


We keep you, 


We pay you, 




koowadchanunumun (wame) 7" 


kuppaumunumun. 




We keep them, 




We pay them, 




^ noowadchanounonog. 




^ nuppaumounonog. 




Ye keep me, 




Ye pay me, 




Koowadchanimwco. 




Kuppaumimwoo. 


. 


Ye keep him, 




Ye pay him, 


^ J 


koowadchanau. 


■u 


kuppaumau. 


Ye keep us, 


Ye pay us, 


C* 


koowadchanimun. 


c* 


kuppaumimun. $ 




Ye keep them, 




Ye pay them, 




koowadchanoog. 




kuppaumoog. 




They keep me, 




They pay me, 




Noowadchanukquog. 




Nuppaumukquog. 




They keep thee, 




They pay thee, 




koowadehanukquog. 




kuppaumukquog. 




They keep him, 




They pay him, 




oowadchanouh. 


a- 


uppaumouh. 


V 


They keep us, 


They pay us, 


GO 


noowadchanukqunnonog. 


GO 


nuppaumukqunnonog 




They keep you, 




They pay you, 




koowadchanukoooog. 




kuppaumukoooog. 




They keep them, 




They pay them x 




^oowadchanouh nah. 




^ uppaumouh nah. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



277 



Indicative Mode. 



[p. 30.] 



Prceter tense. 



Prater tense. 



1° 



1 did keep thee, 
Kcowadchanunup. 

I did keep him, 
noowadchanop. 

I did keep you, 
koowadchanurinumwop. 

/ did keep them, 
ncowadchanopanneg. 



/ did pay thee, 
uppaumunup. 
I did pay him, 



4 a 
Kupp; 



?r I nuppaumop. 
40 * / did pay you, 
"* kuppaumunumwop 
I did pay them, 
< nuppaumopanneg. 



c^ 



Thou didst keep me, 
Koowadchanip. 

Thou didst keep him, 
koowadchanop. 

Thou didst keep us, 
kcowadchanimunonup. 

Thou didst keep them, 
^ koowadchanopanneg, 



©* 



Thou didst pay me, 
Kuppaumip. 

Thou didst pay him, 
kuppaumop. 

Thou didst pay us, 
kuppaumimunonup. 

Thou didst pay them, 
kuppaumopanneg. 



CO 



He did keep me, 
Ncowadchanukup. 

He did keep thee, 
koowadchanukup. 

He did keep him, 
oowadchanopoh. 

He did keep us, 
noowadcbanukqunnonup. 

He did keep you, 
koowadchanukooop. 

He did keep them, 
oo wad c hancpopoh f 



1= 



GO 



He did pay me, 

Nuppaumukup. 

He did pay thee, 
kuppaumukup. 

He did pay him, 
uppaumopoh. 

He did pay us, 

ippaumukqunnonup. 

He did pay you, 
kuppaumukoowop. 

He did pay them, 
uppaumopoh nah. 



n u 



278 


THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 


[P. 31.J- 






Indicative Mode. 




Prceter tense. 


Prceter tense. 




We did keep thee, 
Koowadchaninumunonup. 
We did keep him, 


%i 


We did pay thee, 

kuppaumunumunonup. 

We did pay him, 




ncowadchanounonup. 
We did keep you, 
koowadchaninumunonup. 
We did keep them, 
^ noovvadchanounonuppanneg. 


—- 1 


nuppaumounonup. 

We did pay you, 
kuppaumunumimonup. 

We did pay them, 
_ nuppaumounonuppanneg 


s 

SO 


Ye did keep me, 
Koowadchanimwop. 

Ye did keep him, 
koowadchanuop. 

Ye did keep us, 
koowadchanimunonup. 

Ye did keep them, 
K koowadchanoopanneg. 


**< 


Ye did pay me, 
Kuppaumimwop. 

Ye did pay him, 
kuppaumauop. 

Ye did pay us, 
kuppaumimunonup. 

Ye did pay them, t 
_ kuppaumauopanneg. 



GO 



They did keep me, 
Noowadchanukuppanneg. 

They did keep thee, 
koowadchanukuppanneg. 

They did keep him, 
oowadchananopoh. 

They did keep us, [neg. 
koowadchanukqunonuppan- 

They did keep you, 
kcowadchanukoooopanneg. 

They did keep them, 
L oowadchanooopoh nah. 






They did pay me, 
Nuppaumukuppaneg. 

They did pay thee, 
kuppaumukuppanneg. 

They did pay him, 
uppaumauopoh. 

They did pay us, 
nuppaumukqunnouppanneg. 

They did pay you, 
kupp^umukooopanneg. 

They did pay them, 
< uppaumooopoh nah. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



279 

[p. 32.1 



The Imperative Mode of the Suffix form animate 
Affirmative. 

Mote, That this Mode of the Verb doth cast off the Affix, or prefix- 
ed Pronoun, using onley the suffixed Grammatical! variations^ 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 






Let me keep thee, 
Wanchanunutti. 

Let me keep him, 
wadchanonti. 

Let me keep you, 
wadchanunonkqutch. 

Let me keep them, 
^wadchanonti nagoh. 



SP 

•1 < 



Let me pay thee,. 
Paumunutti. 

Let me pay him,, 
paumonti. 

Let me pay you, 
paumunonkqutch. 

Let me pay them 9 , 
ta paumonti. 



c* 



Do thou keep me, 
Wadchaneh. 

Do thou keep him, 
wadchan. 

Do thou keep us, 
wadchaninnean. 

Do thou keep them, 
wadchan nag. 



I?. 



Do thou pay me, 
Paumeh. 

Do thou pay him* 
paum. 

Do thou pay us, 
pauminnean. 

Do thou pay them, 
paum. 



GO 



Let him keep me, 
Wadchanitch. 

Let him keep thee, 
wadchanukqush. 

Let him keep him, 
wadchanonch. 

Let him keep us, 
wadchanukqutteuh. 

Let him keep you, 
wadchanukook. 

Let him keep them^ 
wanchanonch. 



SO 



Let him pay me % 
Paumitch. 

Let him pay thee, 
paumukqush. 

Let him pay him, 
paumonch.^ 

Let him pay us, 
paumukqutteuh. 

Let him pay you, 
paumukook. 

Let him pay them 9 
Lpaumonch. 



280 

[p. 33.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Imperative Mode. 
Present tense* Present tense* 



■• ■" 





Let us keep thee, 




Let us pay thee, 




Wadctianunuttuh. 




Paumunuttuh. 




Let us keep him, 




Let us pay him, 




wadchanontuh. 




paumontuh. 


ft, 


Let us keep you, 


^ 


Let ns pay you, 


, ~ l 


wadchanunuttuh. 


i— < 


paumunuttuh. 




Let us keep them, 




Let us pay them, 




w wadchanontuh. 




paumontuh. 




Do ye keep me, 




Do ye pay me, 




Wadchanegk. 




Paumegk. 




Do ye keep him, 




Do ye pay him, 


£ J 


Wadchanok. 




paumok. 


Do ye keep us, 




Do ye pay us, 


CM 


wadchaninnean. 


C* 


pauminnean. 




Let us keep them, 




Do ye pay them, 




wadchanok. 




paumok. 




Let them keep me, 




Let them pay me, 




Wadchanukquttei, or wai 


i- 


Paumukquttei, or Paume- 




chanhettich. 




hettich. 




Let them keep thee, 




Let them pay thee, 




wadchanukqush. 




paumukqush. 


^ 

a 


Let them keep him, 


£ 


Let them pay him,, 


^1 


wadchanahettich. 


4 • 


paumahettich. 


CO 


Let them keep us, 


CO 


Let them pay us, 




wadchanukqutteuh. 




paumukqutteuh. 




Let them keep you, 




Let them pay you, 




wadchanukook. 




paumukook. 




Let them keep them, 




Let them pay them, 




^wadchanahettich. 




v paumahettich. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



281 



[p. 34] 

The Optative Mode of the Suffix form animate Affirmative. 

This Adverb (toh) or (napehnont) properly signifeth (utinam) / 
wish it were. And see how naturally they annex it unto every 
variation of this Mode of the Verb. Note also, That this 
Mode keepeth the Affix, or prefixed Pronoun. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



09 ^ 



/ wish I keep thee, 
Koowaadchanunan-toh, or 
napehnont. 

/ wish I keep him, 
Noowaadchanun-toh. 

/ wish I keep you, 
Koowaadchanununeau-toh. 

I wish I keep them, 
Ncowaadchanoneau-toh. 



f< 



/ wish 1 pay thee, 
Kuppapaumunun-toh. 

I wish I pay him, 
nuppapaumon-toh. 

/ wish I pay you, 
kuppapaumuneau-toh. 

I wish I pay them, 
nuppapaumoneau-toh. 



CM 



J wish thou keep me, 
Kcowaadchanin-toh. 

/ wish thou keep him, 
koowaadchanon-toh. 

/ wish thou keep us, 
koowaadchaninneau-toh . 

I wish thou keep them, 
koowaadchanoneauh-toh. 



©* 



I wish thou pay me, 
kuppapaumin-toh. 

I wish thou pay him, 
kuppapaumon-toh. 

I wish thou pay us, 
kuppapaumuneau-toh. 

1 wish thou pay them, 
^ kuppapaumoneau-toh. 



CO 



I wish he keep me, 
Noowaadchanukqun-toh. 

I wish he keep thee, 
kcowaadchanukqun-toh. 

I wish he keep him, 
cowaadchanon-toh. 

I wish he keep us, 
kcowaadchanukqunan-toh. 

/ wish he keep you, 
koowaadchanukquneau-toh, 

I wish he keep them, 
oowaadchanon-toh. 
VOL. IX. 31 



CO 



1 wish he pay me, 
Nuppapaumukqun-toh. 

/ wish he pay ihee, 
kuppapaumukqun-toh. 

/ wish he pay him, 
uppapaumon-toh, 

/ wish he pay us, 
kuppapaumnkqunan-toh. 

i" wish he pay you, 
kuppapaumukquneau-toh. 

/ wish he pay them, 
uppapaumon-toh. 



282 

[p. 35.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Optative Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



^ 



I wish we keep thee, 
Koowaadchanunan-toh. 

I wish we keep him, 
noowaadchanonan-toh. 

1 wish we keep you, 
koowaadchanunnan-toh. 

1 wish we keep them, 
noowaadchanonan-toh. 



*,< 



/ wish we pay thee, 
Knppapaumunan-toh. 

I wish we pay him, 
nuppapaumonan-toh. 

/ wish we pay you, 
kuppapautnunan-toh. 

/ wish we pay them, 
< nuppapaumonan-toh. 



v. 



1 wish ye keep me, 
Koovvaadchanuneau-toh. 

I wish ye keep him, 
kcowaadchanoneau-toh. 

I wish ye keep us, 
koowaadchanunean-toh. 

/ wish ye keep them, 
koowaadchanoneau-toh. 






I wish ye pay me, 
Kuppapaumuneau-toh. 

I wish ye pay him, 
kuppapaumoneau-toh. 

/ wish ye pay us, 
kuppapaumunean-toh. 

I wish ye pay tl 
^ kuppapaumoneau- 



CO 



I wish they keep me, 
Noowaadchanukquneau-toh. 

I wish they keep thee, 
koowaadchaiuikquneau-toh. 

I wish they keep him, 
oowaadchanoneau-toh. 

I wish they keep us, 
noowaadchanukqunan-toh. 

I wish they keep you, 
koowaadchanukquneau-toh. 

I wish they keep them, 
oowaadchanoneau-toh. 



GO 



/ wish they pay me, 
Nuppapaumukquneau-toh. 

I wish they pay thee, 
kuppapaumukquneau-toh. 

/ wish they pay him, 
uppapaumoneau-toh. 

/ wish they pay us, 
nuppapaumukqunan-toh. 

/ wish they pay you, 
kuppapaumukquneau-toh. 

/ wish they pay them, 
^uppapaumoneau-toh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



283 
[p. 36.] 



Optative Mode. 
Prceter tense. Prceter tense. 



* 



f I wish I did keep thee, 
Koowaadchanununaz-toh. 

/ wish I did keep him, 
noowaadchanonaz-toh. 

/ wish I did keep you, 
kcowaadchanununnaouz-toh. 

/ wish I did keep them, 
noowaadchanonaooz-toh. 



l° 



/ wish I did pay thee, 
Kuppapaumununaz-toh. 

/ wish I did pay him, 
nuppapaumonaz-toh. 

/ wish I did pay you, 
kuppapaumununnaouz-toh. 

/ wish I did pay them, 
( nuppapaumonaouz-toh. 






SP 

• «a ■ 
G* 



/ wish thou didst keep me, 
Koovvaadchaninneaz-toh. 

I wish thou didst keep him, 
koowaadchanonaz-toh 

/ wish thou didst keep us, 
koowaadchanuneanonuz-toh. 
J wish thou didst keep them, 
Ichanonaouz-toh. 



bn 



G* 



I wish thou didst pay me, 
Kuppapaumineaz-toh. 

I wish thou didst pay him, 
kuppapaumonaz-toh. 

I wish thou didst pay us, 
kuppapaumuneanonuz-toh. 

I wish thou didst pay them, 
^ kuppapaumonaouz-toh. 



GO 






/ wish he did keep me, 
Noowaadchanukqunaz-toh. 
. • / wish he did keep thee, 
koowaadchanukqunaz-toh. 

/ wish he did keep him, 
oowaadchanonaz-toh. 

I wish he did keep us, 
noowaadchanukqunanonuz- 
toh. 

J wish he did keep you, 
koowaadchanukqunnaouz- 
toh. 

/ wish he did keep them, 
oowaadchanonaouz-toh. 



CO 



/ wish he did pay me, 
Nuppapaurnukqunaz-toh. 

/ wish he did pay thee, 
kuppapaumukqunaz-toh. 

/ wish he did pay him, 
uppapaumonaz-toh. 

I wish he did pay us, 
nuppapaumukqunanonuz- 
toh. 

I wish he did pay you, 
kuppapaumukqunaouz-toh. 

/ wish he did pen/ them, 
uppapaumonaouz-toh. 



234 

[p. 37.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



Optative Mode. 
Prceter tense. Prceter tense. 



I wish we did keep thee, 
Koowaadchanonanonuz-toh. 

/ wish we did keep him, 
noowaadchanonanonuz-toh. 

I wish we did keep you, 
koowaadchanunanonaz-toh. 

1 wish we did keep them, 
noowaadchanonanonuz-toh. 






I wish we did pay thee, 
Kuppapaumunanonuz-toh. 

I wish we did pay him, 
nuppapaumonanonuz-toh. 

/ wish we did pay you, 
kuppapaumunanonuz-toh. 

I wish we did pay them, 
^ nuppapaumonanonuz-toh. 






/ wish ye did keep me, 
Kcowaadchanineaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did keep him, 
koowaadchanonaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did keep us, 
koowaadchaninneanonuz-toh. 

/ wish ye did keep them, 
^ koowaadchanonaouz-toh. 






I wish ye did pay me, 
Kuppapaumineaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did pay him, 
kuppapaumonaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did pay us, 
kuppapaumineanonuz-toh. 

I wish ye did pay them, 
kuppapaumonaouz-toh. . 



CO 



I wish they did keep me, 
Noowaadchanukqunnaouz- 
toh. 

J wish they did keep thee, 
koowaadchanukqunaouz-toh. 

J wish they did keep him, 
cowaadchanonaouz-toh. 

I wish they did keep us, 
ncowaadchanukqunnanouz^ 
toh. 

J wish they did keep you, 
koowaadchanukqunaouz-toh. 

I wish they did keep them, 
cowaadchanonaouz-toh. 



so 

CO 



J wish they did pay me, 
Nuppapaumukqunaouz-toh. 

I wish they did pay thee, 
kuppapaumukqunaouz-toh. 

I wish they did pay him, 
uppapaumonaouz-toh. 

I wish they did pay us, 
nuppapaumukqunanonuz- 
toh. 

I wish they did pay you, 
kuppapaumukqunaouz-toh. 

I wish they did pay them, 
^ uppapaumonaouz-toh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



285 
[p. 38.] 



The Suppositive Mode of the Suffix form animate 
Affirmative. 



Note, That this Mode also doth cast off the Affix, or prefixed Pronoun. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



SP 



If 1 keep thee, 
Wadchanunon. 

If I keep him, 
wadchanog. 

If I keep you, 
wadchanunog. 

If I keep them, 
^wadchaog. 



If I pay thee, 
Paumunon. 

If I pay him, 
paumog. 

If I pay you, 
paumunog. 

If I pay them, 
paumog. 



<N 



If thou keep me, 
Wadchanean. 

If thou keep him, 
wadchanadt. 

jlf thou keep us, 
wadchaneog. 

If thou keep them, 
^wadchanadt. 



G^ 



If thou pay me, 
Paumean. 

If thou pay him, 
paumadt. 

If thou pay us, 
paumeog. 

If thou pay them, 
^paumadt. 



GO 



If he keep me, 
Wadchanit. 

If he keep thee, 
wadchanukquean. 

If he keep him, 
wadchanont. 

If he keep us, 
wadchanukqueog. 

If he keep you, 
wadchanukqueog. 

If he keep them, 
wadchanahettit, or ont, 



If he pay me, 
Paumit. 

If he pay thee, 
pauraukquean. 

If he pay him, 
g 3 ) paumont. 

If he pay us, 
paumukqueog. 

If he pay you, 
paumukqueog. 

If he pay them, 
paumahettit. 



286 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



[p. 39.] 



Suppositive Mode. 



Note, Where the singular and plural are alike, they are dis- 
tinguished by Noh or Neen in the singular, and Nag or Nenawun, 
in the plural. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



If we keep thee, 
Wadchanunog. 

I] we keep him, 
wadchanogkut. 

If we keep you, 
wadchanunog. 

If we keep them, 
I wadchanogkut. 



If we pay thee, 
Paumunog. 

If we pay him, 
paumogkut. 

If we pay you, 
paumunog. 

If we pay them, 
< paumogkut. 



s 



If ye keep me, 
Wadchaneog. 

If ye keep him, 
wadchanog. 

If ye keep us, 
wadchaneog. 

If ye keep them, 
^ wadchanog. 






If ye pay me, 
Paumeog. 

If ye pay him, 
paumog 

If ye pay us, 
paumeog. 

If ye pay them, 
paumog. 



GO 



If they keep me, 
Wadchanhettit. 

If they keep thee, 
wadchanukquean. 

If they keep him, 
wadchanukahettit. 

If they keep us, 
wadchanukqueog. 

If they keep you, 
wadchanukqueog. 

If they keep them, 
wadchanahettit. 



If they pay me, 
Paumhettit. 

If they pay thee, 
paumukquean. 

If they pay him, 
paumahettit. 
^ ] ]f they pay lis, 
paumukqueog. 

If they pay you, 
paumuqueog. 

If they pay them, 
^paumahettit. 



CO 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Suppositive Mode. 
Prceter tense. Prczter tense. 



287 

[p. 40.] 



SP 



If I did keep thee, 
Wadchanunos. 

If I did keep him, 
waadchanogkus. 

If I did keep you, 
wadchanunogkus. 

If I did keep them, 
wadchanogkus. 



& 



If I did pay thee, 
Paumunos. 

If I did pay him, 
paumogkus. 

If I did pay you, 
paumunogkus. 

If I did pay them, 
h paumogkus. 



SP 



©» 



If thou didst keep me, 
Wadchaneas. 

If thou didst keep him, 
wadchanas. 

If thou didst keep us, 
wadchaneogkus. 

If thou didst keep them, 
wadchanas. 



G* 



If thou didst pay me, 
Paumeas. 

If thou didst pay him, 
paumas. 

If thou didst pay us, 
paumeogkus. 

If thou didst pay them, 
paumas. 



CO 



If he did keep me, 




If he did pay me, 


Wadchanis. 




Paumis. 


If he did keep thee, 




If he did pay thee, 


wadchanukqueas. 




paumukqueas. 


If he did keep him, 


5^3 


If he did pay him, 


wadchanos. 


ST 


paumos. 


If he did keep us, 
wadchanukqueogkus. 


CO < 

GO 


If he did pay us, 
paumukqueogkus. 


If he did keep you, 




If he did pay you, 


wadchanukqueogkus. 




paumukqueogkus. 


If he did keep them, 




If he did pay them. 


wadchanos. 




paumos. 



288 

[p. 4h] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Suppositive Mode. 
Prceter tense. Pr&ter tense. 



is 






GO 



If we did keep thee, 
wadchanunogkus. 

If we did keep him, 
wadchanogkutus. 

If we did keep you, 
wadchanunogkus. 

If we did keep them, 
^wadchanogkutus. 



If ye did keep me, 
Wadchaneogkus. 

If ye did keep him, 
wadchanogkus. 

If ye did keep us> 
wadchaneogkus. 

If ye did keep them, 
< wadchanogkus. 



If they did keep me, 
wadchanhettis. 

If they did keep thee, 
wadchanukqueas. 

If they did keep him, 
wadchanahettis. 

If they did keep us, 
wadchanukqueogkus. 

If they did keep you, 
wadchanukqueogkus. 

If they did keep them, 
wadchanahettis. 









£.< 

GO 



If we did pay thee, 
Paumunogkus. 

If we did pay him, 
paumunogkutus. 

If we did pay you, 
paumunogkus. 

If we did pay them, 
paumogkutus. 

If ye did pay me, 
Paumeogkus. 

If ye did pay him, 
paumogkus. 

If ye did pay us, 
paumeogkus. 

If ye did pay thpm, 
paumogkus. 

If they did pay me, 
Paumehettis. 

If they did pay thee, 
paumukqueas. 

If they did pay him, 
paumahettis. 

If they did pay us, 
paumukqueogkus. 

If they did pay you, 
paumukqueogkus. 

If they did pay them, 
paumahettis. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Indefinite Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



289 

[p.4fc] 



To keep, 
Wadchanonat. 



To pay, 
Paummuonat. 



The third Person of the Suffix form Animate is ca- 
pable to be expressed in the Indefinite Mode. 

Note also, That this mode fottoioeth the Indicative and foepeth 

the Affix. 

As for Example. 






GO 



To keep me, 
Noowadehanukqunat. 

To keep thee, 
koowadchanukqunat. 

To keep him, 
03 wadchanonat. 

To keep us, 
noowadchanukqunnanonut. 

To keep you, 
kcowadchanukqunnaout. 

To keep them, 
oowadchanonaont. 



GO 



To pay me, 
Nuppaumunkqunat. 

. To pay thee, 
kuppaumukqunat. 

To pay him, 
uppaumonat. 

To pay us, 
nuppaumukqunnanonut. 

To pay you, 
kuppaumukqunnaout. 

To pay them, 
^uppaumonaoont. 



So much for the Suffix form Animate Affirmative. 



[A blank page follows, in the original, between this page and 44. Ed.] 

vol. ix. 38 



290 

[p. 44.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Suffix form Animate Negative. 
Indicative Mode. 



§p 



* 



e* 



Present tense. 

1 keep not thee, 
Koowadchanunooh. 

/ keep not him, 
ncowadchanoh. 

I keep not you, 
koowadchanoog. 

I keep not them, 
< Mat noowadchanoog. 



Thou keep not me, 
Koowadchaneuh. 

Thou keep not him, 
kcowadchanoh. 

Thou keep not us,- 
koowadchaneumun. 

Thou keep not them, 
Mat koowadchanoog. 



1° 
IS < 



CM 



Present tense. 

1 pay not thee, 
Kuppaumunooh. 

I pay not him, 
nuppaumoh. 

I pay not you, 
kuppaumunoomwoo, 

I pay not them, 
Mat nuppaumoog. 

Thou pay not me, 
Kuppaumeuh. 

Thou pay not him, 
kuppaumoh. 

Thou pay not us, 
kuppaumeumun. 

Thou pay not them, 
Mat kuppaumeumoog. 



CO 



He keep not me, 
Ncowadchanukooh. 

He keep not thee, 
koowadchanukcoh. 

He keep not him, 
Mat oowadchanuh. 

He keep not us, 
noowadchanukooun. 

He keep not you, 
Mat koowadchanukoo. 

He keep not them, 
Mat oowadchanuh. 



CO 



He pay not me, 
Nuppaumukooh. 

He pay not thee, 
Kuppaumukooh. 

He pay not him, 
Mat uppaurnoh. 

He pay not us, 
nuppaumukooun. 

He pay not you, 
Mat kuppaumukooh. 

He pay not them, 
Mat uppaumuh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 291 

[p. 45] 

Indicative Mode. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



'a-S 



We keep not thee, 
Koowadchanuncomun. 

We keep not him, 
mat noowadchanoun. 

We keep not you, 
koowadchanuncomun. 

We keep not them, 
mat noowadchanounonog. 



*o 



We pay not thee, 
Kuppautnuncomun. 

We pay not him, 
mat nuppaumoun. 

We pay not you, 
kuppaumuncomun. 

We pay not them, 
mat nuppaumounonog. 






Ye keep not me, 
Koowadchaneumwoo. 

Ye keep not him, 
mat kcowadchanau. 

Ye keep not us, 
koowadchaneumun. 

Ye keep not them, 
^mat koowadchanoog. 






Ye pay not me, 
Kuppaumeumwco. 

Ye pay not him, 
mat kuppaumau. 

Ye pay not us, 
kuppaumeumun. 

Ye pay not them, 
mat kuppaumoog. 



v. 

GO 



They keep not me, 
Ncowadchanukcoog. 

They keep not thee, 
koowadchanukcoog. 

They keep not him, 
mat cowadchanouh. 

They keep not us, 
ncowadchanukcounonog. 
' They keep not you, 
koowadchanukcooog. 

They keep not them, 
mat cowadchanouh. 



GO 



They pay not me, 
Nuppaumukcoog. 

They pay not thee, 
kuppaumukcoog. 

They pay not him, 
mat uppaumouh. 

They pay not us, 
nuppaumukcounonog 

They pay not you, 
kuppaumukcooog. 

They pay not them 
mat uppaumouh. 



292 

fa 46.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



Indicative Mode. 



& 



Prceter tense. 

I did not keep thee, 
Koowadchanuncop. 

1 did not keep him, 
mat noowadchanohp. 

/ did not keep you, 
koowadchanunoomwop. 

/ did not keep them, 
^mat noowadchanopanneg. 






Prater tense. 

I did not pay thee, 
Kuppaumuncop. 

I did not pay him, 
mat nuppaumop. 

/ did not pay you, 
kuppaumuncomwop. 

I did not pay them, 
mat nuppaumopanneg* 






Thou didst not keep me, 
Koowadchaneup* 

Thou didst not keep him, 
mat koowadchanop* 

Thou didst not keep us, 
koowadchaneumunonup. 

Thou didst not keep them, 
^mat koowadchanopanneg. 



g< 



Thou didst not pay me, 
Kuppaumeup. 

Thou didst not pay him, 
mat kuppaumop. 

Thou didst not pay us, 
kuppaumeumunonup. 

Thou didst not pay them, 
mat kuppaumopanneg. 



.r 

GO 



He did not keep me, 
Noowadchanukoop. 

He did not keep thee, 
koowadchanukoop. 

He did not keep him, 
mat oowadchanopoh. 

He did not keep us, 
noowadchanukoQunonup. 

He did not keep you, 
koowadchanukooop. 

He did not keep them, 
I mat oowadchanopoh. 



GO 



He did not pay me, 
Nuppaumukoop. 

He did not pay thee, 
kuppaumukoop. 

He did not pay Mm, 
■ mat paumopoh. 

He did not pay us, 
nuppaumukoounonup. 

He did not pay you, 
kuppaumukcoop. 

He did not pay them, 
k mat uppaumopoh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 293 

[p. 47.] 

Indicative Mode. 



Prater tense. 



Prceter tense. 






We did not keep thee, 
Koowadchaninooniunonup. 

We did not keep him, 
mat noowadchanounonup. 

We did not keep you, 
koowadchaninoomunonup. 

We did not keep them, 
mat noowadchanounonup- 
panneg. 






We did not pay thee, 
Kuppaumunoomunonup. 

We did not pay him, 
mat nuppaumounonup. 

We did not pay you, 
kuppaumunoomunonup. 

We did not pay them, 
mat nuppaumounonup- 
paneg. 



5^ 



Ye did not keep me, 
Koowadchaneumwop. 

Ye did not keep him, 
mat koowadchanooop. 

Ye did not keep us, 
koowadchaneumunonup. 

Ye did not keep them, 
^ mat koowadchanoopanneg. 






Ye did not pay me, 
Kuppaumeumwop. 

Ye did not pay him f 
mat kuppaumooop. 

Ye did not pay us. 
kuppaumeumunonup. 

Ye did not pay them, 
mat kuppaumooopanneg. 



GO 



They did not keep me, 
Noowadchanukoopanneg. 

They did not keep thee, 
koowadchanukoopanneg. 

They did not keep him, 
mat oowadchanooopoh. 

They did not keep us, 
noowadchanukoounonup- 
panneg. 

They did not keep you, 
koowadchanukcooopanneg. 

They did not keep them, 
^mat oowadchanooopoh « 






CO 



They did not pay me, 
Nuppaumukoopanneg. 

They did not pay thee, 
kuppaumukoopanneg. 

They did not pay him, 
mat uppaumooopuh. 

They did not pay us, 
nuppaumukcounonuppan- 
neg. 

They did not pay you, 
kuppaumukoooopanneg. 

They did not pay them, 
mat uppaumooopoh. 



294 

[p. 48.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Suffix form animate Negative. 

Imperative Mode. 

Present tense. Present tense. 



Let me not keep thee, 
Wadchanuncoutti. 

Let me not keep him, 
wadchanoonti. 

Let me not keep you, 
wadchanunonkqutti. 

Let me not keep them, 
wadchanoonti. 



Let me not pay thee, 
Paumunutti. 

Let me not pay him, 
• paumoonti. 

Let me not pay you, 
paumunooutti. 

Let me not pay them, 
^paumoonti. 



* 



<?* 



Do thou not keep me, 
Wadchanohkon. 

Do thou not keep him, 
wadchanuhkon. 

Do thou not keep us, 
wadchaneittuh. 

Do thou not keep them, 
wadchanuhkon. 



©* 



Do thou not pay me, 
Paumehkon. 

Do thou not pay him, 
paumuhkon. 

Do thou not pay us, 
paumeittuh. 

Do thou not pay them, 
^paumohkon. 



SP 



?* 



Let not him keep me, 
Wadchanehkitch. 

Let not him keep thee, 
wadchanukoohkon. 

Let not him keep him, 
wadchanuhkitch. 

Let not him keep us, 
wadchanukcouttuh. 

Let not him keep you, 
wadchanukcohteok. 

Let not him keep them, 
wadchanuhkitch. 






Let not him pay me, 
Paumehkitch. 

Let not him pay thee, 
paumukoohkon. 

Let not him pay him, 
paumuhkitch. I 

Let not him pay us, 
paumukoouttuh. 

Let not him pay you t 
paumukcohteok. 

Let not him fay them y 
^paumuhkitch. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Imperative Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



295 

[p. 49.] 



M 



Let not us keep thee, 
Wadchanunoouttuh. 

Let not us keep him, 
wadchanoontuh. 

Let not us keep you, 
wadchanunoouttuh. 

Let not us keep them, 
(^wadchanoontuh. 



Let not us pay thee, 
Paumunoouttuh. 

Let not us pay him, 
paumoontuh. 

Let not us pay you, 
paumunoouttuh. 

Let not us pay them, 
paumoontuh. 






Do not ye keep me, 
Wadchanehteok. 

Do not ye keep him, 
wadchanuhteok. 

Do not ye keep us, 
wadchaneinnean. 

Do not ye keep them, 
wadchanuhteok. 






Do not ye pay me, 
Paumehteok. 

Do not ye pay him, 
paumuhteok. 

Do not ye pay us, 
paumeinnean. 

Do not ye pay them, 
c paumuhteok. 



■■*,< 

* 



Let not them keep me, 
Wadchanehettekitch. 

Let not them keep thee, 
wadchanukoohkon. 

Let not them keep him, 
wadchanahettekitch. 

Let not them keep us, 
wadchanukcouttuh. 
k Let not them keep you', 
wadchanukoohteok. 

Let not them keep them, 
wadchanahettekitch. 



J 

CO 



Let not them pay me, 
Paumehettekitch. 

Let not them pay thee, 
paumukcohkon. 

Let not them pay him, 
paumahettekitch. 

Let not them pay us, 
paumukoouttuh. 

Let not them pay you, 
paumukoohteok. 

Let not them pay them, 
paumahettekitch. 



296 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

[p. 50.] 

The Suffix form Animate Negative. 
Optative Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



I wish I keep not thee, 
Kcowaadchanunooun-toh. 

I wish I keep not him, 
noowaadchanoun-toh. 

/ wish I keep not you, 
koowaadchanunoouneau-toh. 

/ wish I keep not them, 
ncowaadchanouneau-toh. 



/ wish I do not pay thee, 
Kuppapaumunooun-toh. 

I wish I do not pay him, 
nuppapaumoon-toh. 

/ wish I do not pay you, 
kuppapaumwmaikieau-toh. 

I wish I do not pay them, 
< nuppapaumouneau-toh. 



C* 



CO 



I wish thou do not keep me. 
Kcowaadchanein-toh. 

I wish thou do not keep him, 
koowaadchanoon-toh. 

I wish thou do not keep us, 
koowaadchanein-toh. 
I wish thou do not keep them, 
koowaadchanouneau-toh. 



I wish he do not keep me, 
Noowaadchannkcoun-toh. 

I wish he do not keep thee, 
kcowaadchanukcoun-toh. 

I wish he do not keep him, 
oowaadchanoon-toh. 

I wish he do not keep us, 
noowaadchanukoounan-toh. 

Itvish he do not keep you, 
koowaadchanukoouneau-toh. 

I wish he do not keep them, 
oowaadchanoon-toh. 



*»< 



CM 



CO ^ 



I wish thou do not pay me, 
Kuppapaumein-toh. 

I wish thou do not pay hvm, 
kuppapaurnoon-toh. 

I wish thou do notpaxj us, 
kuppapaumeinan-toh. 

I wish thou do not pay them, 
kuppapaumouneau-toh. 

I wish he do not pay me, 
Nuppapaumiikcoun-toh. 

I wish he do not pay thee, 
kuppapaumukooun-toh. 

I wish he do not pay him^ 
uppapaumoun-toh. 

I wish he do not pay Us, 
nuppapaumukcounan-toh. 

I wish he do not pay you, 
kuppapaumukcouneau-toh. 

I wish he do not pay them, 
w uppapaumouneau-toh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



297 



[p. 51. 



Optative Mode. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 






I wish we do not keep thee, 
Kcowaadchanuncounan-toh. 

I wish we do not keep him, 
ncowaadchanounan-toh. 

1 wish we do not keep you, 
kcowaadchanounan-toh. 

1 wish we do not keep them, 
ncowaadchanounan-toh. 






I wish we do not pay thee, 
Kuppapaumunooon-toh. 

I wish we do not pay him, 
uuppapaumoon-toh. 

Iwish we do not pay you, 
kuppapaumunoounan-toh. 

Iwish we do not pay them, 
^ nuppapaumounan-toh. 






J wish ye do not keep me, 
Kcowaadchaneinneau-toh. 

I wish ye do not keep him, 
koowaadchanouneau-toh. 

Iwish ye do not keep us, 
kcowaadchaneinnean-toh. 

I wish ye do not keep them, 
koowaadchanouneau-toh. 






Iwish ye do not pay me, 
Kuppapaumeineau-toh. 

1 wish ye do not pay him, 
kuppapaumooneau-toh. 

1 wish ye do not pay us, 
kuppapaumeinan-toh. 

Iwish ye do not pay them, 
kuppapaumooneau-toh. 



CO 






/ wish they do not keep me, 
Noowaadehanukcouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not keep thee, 
koowaadchanukoouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not keep him, 
cowaadchanouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not keep us, 
ncowaadchanukcounan-toh. 

Iwish they do not keep you, 
koowaadchanukoouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not keep them, 
cowaadchanouneau-toh. 



i 

GO 



Iwish they do not pay me, 
Nuppapaumukoouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not pay thee, 
kuppapaumukcouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not pay him, 
uppapaumouneau-toh. 

Iwish they do not pay us, 
nuppapaumukoounan-toh. 

I wish they do notpayyou^ 
kuppapaumukcouneau-toh, 

Iwish they do not pay them^ 
'' uppapaumouneau-toh^ 



W •' 



VOJ,. IX. 



39 



298 



, w J i * . 

THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



[p. 52.] 



Optative Mode. 
Prceter tense, Prceter tense. 



.* 



©* 



I wish I did not keep thee, 
Koowaadchanunoounaz-toh. 

I wish I did not keep him, 
noowaadchanounaz-toh. 

I wish I did not keep you, 
koowaadchanunounaouz-toh. 

I wish I did not keep them', 
ncowaadchanounaouz-toh. 



j 

' I wish thou didst not keep me, 
Koowaadchaneinaz-toh. 
I wish thou didst not keep him, 
koowaaclchanounaz-toh. 
I wish thou didst not keep us, 
koowaadchaneinanonaz-toh. 
1 wish thou didst not keep 

them, 
koowaadchanounnaouz-toh. 



I wish I did not pay thee. 
Kuppapaumuncounaz-toh. 

I wish I did not pay him, 
nuppapaumounaz-toh. 

I wish I did not pay you, 
kuppapaumunoounaouz-toh. 

I wish I did not pay them, 
< nuppapaumounaouz-toh. 






I wish thou didst not pay me, 

Kuppapaumeinaz-toh. 

I wish thou didst not pay him, 

kuppapaumounaz-toh. 

I wish thou didst not pay us, 

kuppapaumeinanonuz-toh. 

I wish thou didst not pay them, 
kuppapaumounaouz-toh. 



GO 



I wish he did not keep me, 
Noowaadchanukoounuz-toh. 

I wish he did not keep thee, 
koowaadchanukoounaz-toh. 

I wish he did not keep him, 
oowaadchanounaz-toh. 

I wish he did not keep us, 
noowaadchanukoounanonuz- 
toh. 

I wish he did not keep you, 
koowaadchanukcDaunouz-toh. 

I wish he did not keep them, 
oowaadchanounaouz-toh. 



CO 



I wish he did not pay me, 
Nuppapaumukoounaz-ttih. 

J wish he did not pay thee, 
kuppapaumukoounaz-toh. 

I wish he did not pay him, 
uppapaumounaz-toh. 

1 wish he did not pay us, 
nuppapaumukoouanonuz-toh. 

I wish he did not pay you, 
kuppapaumukoounaouz-toh. 

I wish he did not pay them, 
uppapaumounaz-toh. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN, 



Optative Mode. 



299 



[p. 53.] 






Prater tense. 

1 wish we did not keep thee, 
Koowaadchanunoounanonuz- 
toh. 

/ wish we did not keep him, 
noowaadchandunanouz-toh. 

I Wish we did not keep you, 
koowaadchanoounaoUz-toh. . 

I wish we did not keep them, 
noowaadchanoounaouz-toh. 






Prater tense. 









I wish we did not pay thee, 
Kuppapaumuncounanonuz- 
toh. 

I wish we did not pay him, 
nuppapaumounanonuz-toh. 

1 wish we did not pay you, 
kuppapaumunoounaoaz-toh. 
I wish we did not pay them, 
nuppapaumounaoaz-toh. 



5^ 
S3 



I wish ye did not keep me, 
Koowaadchaneinaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did not keep him, 
koowaadehanonuaouz-toh. 

I wish ye did not keep us, 
koowaadchaneinanonaz-toh. 

I wish ye did not keep them, 
koowaadchanounaouz-toh. 






I wish ye did not pay me, 
Kuppapaumeinaoaz-toh. 

I wish ye did not pay him, 
kuppapaumoonaoaz-toh. 

I wish ye did not pay us, 
kuppapaumeinnanonaz-toh. 

I wish ye did not pay them, 
^kuppapaumoonaoaz-toh. 



CO 



I wish they did not keep me, 
NoowaadchanukoDimaz-toh. 

Iwishtheydid not keep thee, 
koowaadchanukoounaz-toh. 

I wish they did not keep him, 
oowaadchanoUnabaz-toh. 

I wish they did not keep us, 
noowaadchanukoounanonaz- 
toh. 

I wish they did not keep you, 
kcowaadchanukoDunaouz- 
toh. 

lwish they did not keep them, 
oowaadchanounaoaz-toh. 



Iwish they did not pay me, 
Nuppapaumukoounaooz-toh. 

Iwish they did not pay thee, 
kuppapaumukoounaooz-toh. 

Iwish they did not pay him, 
uppapaumoonaz-toh. 
■ Iwish they did not pay us, 
nuppapaumukoonnuanonaz- 
toh. 

Iwish they did not pay you, 
kuppapaumukoounaoaz-toh. 

Iwish they did not pay them, 
uppapaumounaoaz-toh. 



300 

[p. 54.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Suffix form Animate Negative. 
Suppositive Mode. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 






If I keep not thee, 
Wadchanuncoon. 

If I keep not him, 
wadchanoog. 

If I keep not you, 
wadchanuncoog. 

If I keep not them, 
^wadchanoog. 






If I pay not thee, 
Paumunooon. 

If I pay not him, 
Paumoog. 

If I pay not you, 
Paumunooog. 

If I pay not them, 
f Paumoog. 



.*< 



c* 



If thou keep not me, 
wadchaneean. 

If thou keep not him, 
wadchanoadt. 

If thou keep not us, 
wadchaneeog. 

If thou keep not them, 
wadchanoadt. 



faO 



If thou pay not me, 
Paumeean. 

If thou pay not him, 
Paumoadt. 

If thou pay not us, 
Paumeeog. 

If thou pay not them r 
< Paumoadt. 



K 

•s < 

CO 



If he keep not me, 
Wadchaneegk. 

If he keep not thee, 
wadchanukcoan. 

If he keep not him, 
wadchanunk. 

If he keep not us, 
wadchanukooog. 

If he keep not you, 
wadchanukcoog. 

If he keep not them, 
wadchanunk. 



•Ik 

CO 



If he pay not me, 
Paumeegk. 

If he pay not thee, 
paumukcoan. ,, 

If he pay not him, 
paumunk. 

If he pay not us, 
paumukcoog. 

If he pay not you, 
paumukcoog. 

If he pay not them, 
paumunk. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Suppositive Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



301 

[p. 55.] 



M 



If we keep not thee, 
Wadchanunooog. 

If we keep not him, 
wadchanoogkut. 

If we keep not you, 
wadchanunooog. 

If we keep not them, 
wadchanoogkut. 



If we pay not thee, 
Paumuncoog. 

If we pay not him, 
paumoogkut. 

If we pay not you, 
paumunooog. 

If we pay not them, 
w paumoogkut. 



c* 



If ye keep not me, 
Wadchaneeog. 

If ye keep not him, 
wadchanoog. 

If ye keep not us, 
wadchaneeog. 

If ye keep not them. 
c wadchanoog. 



4* 

so 



If ye pay not me, 
Paumeeog. 

If ye pay not him, 
paumoog. 

If ye pay not us, 
paumeeog. 

If ye pay not them, 
„ paumoog. 



v. 

CO 



If they keep not me, 
Wadchanehetteg. 

If they keep not thee, 
wadchanukooan. 

If they keep not him, 
watfchanahetteg. 

If they keep not us, 
wadchanukooog. 

If they keep not you, 
wadchanukooog. 

If they keep not them, 
:' wadchanahetteg. 



CO 



If they pay not me, 
Paumehetteg. 

If they pay not thee, 
paumukooan. 

If they pay not him, 
paumahetteg. 

If they pay not us, 
paumukopog. 

If they pay not you, 
paumukooog, 

If they pay not them, 
^paumahetteg. 



302 

[p. 56.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Suppositive Mode. 



Prater tense. 

If I did not keep thee, 
Wadchanunooos. 

If I did not keep him, 
^J wadchanoogkus. 
"^ | If I did not keep you, 
wadchanunooogkus. 

If I did not keep them. 
wadchanoogkus. 






Prceter tense. 

■ 

If I did not pay thee, 
Paumunooos. 

If I did not pay him, 
paumoogkus. 

If I did not pay you, 
paumunooogkus. 

If I did not pay them, 
\ paumoogkus. 






If thou didst not keep me, 
Wadchaneeas. 

If thou didst not keep him, 
wadchanoas. , 

If thou didst not keep us, 
wadchaneeogkus. 

If thou didst not keep them, 
wadchanoogkus. 






If thou didst not pay me, 
Paumeeas. 

If thou didst not pay him, 
paumoas. 

If thou didst not pay us, 
paumeeogkus. 

If thou didst not pay them, 
^paumoogkus. 



CO 



If he did not keep me, 
Wadchaneekus. 

ff he did not keep thee, 
wadchanukooas. 

If he did not keep him, 
wadchanunkus. 

If he did not keep us, 
wadchanukooooogkus, 

If he did not keep yov, 
wadchanukogkus. 

If he did not keep them, 
wadchanunkus. 



GO 



If he did not pay me, 
Paumeekus. 

If he did not pay thee, 
paumukooas, 

If he did not pay him, 
paumunkus. 

If he did not pay us, 
paumukooogkus. 

If he did not pay you, 
paumukooogkus. 

If he did not pay them, 
paumunkus. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

Supposilive Mode. 
Pr ester tense. Prceter tense. 



303 
[p. 57.} 



If we did not keep thee, 
Wadchanunooogkus. 

If we did not keep him, 
wadchanoogkutus. 

If we did not keep you, 
wadchanliriboogkus. 

If we did not keep them, 
wadchanoogkutus. 



t< 



If we did not pay thee, 
Paumunooogkus. 

If we did not pay him, 
pauraoogkutus. 

If we did not pay you, 
paumunooogkus. 

If we did not pay them, 
paumoogkutus. 






If ye did not keep me, 
Wadchaneeogkus. 

If ye did not keep him, 
wadchanoogkus, 

If ye did not keep us, 
wadchaneeogkus. 

If ye did not keep them, 
^wadchanoogkus. 



G* 



If ye did not pay me, 
Paumeeogkus. 

If ye did not pay him, 
paumoogkus. 

If ye did not pay us, 
paumeeogkus. 

If ye did not pay them, 
paumoogkus. 



CO 



If they did not keep me, 
Wadchanehettegkis. 

If they did not keep thee, 
wadchanukooas. 

If they did not keep him, 
wadchanunkus. 

If they did not keep lis, 
wadchanukooogkus. 

If they did not keep you, 
wadchanukooogkus. 

If they did not keep them, 
^ wadchanahettegkis. 



I. 

CO 



If they did not pay me, 
Paumehettegkis. 

If they did not pay thee, 
paumukooas. 

If they did not pay him, 
paumunkus. 

If they did not pay us, 
paumukooogkus. 

If they did not pay you, 
paumukooogkus. 

If they did not pay them, 
paumahettegkis. 



304 

[p. 58.] 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

The Indefinite Mode. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



Not to keep, 
Wadchanounat. 



Not to pay, 
Paummuounat. 



The third Person of the Suffix form Animate Negative 
is found expressible in this Mode Indefinite : As 



CO 



Not to keep me, 
Noowadehanukoounat. 

Not to keep thee, 
koowadchanukcounat. 

Not to keep him, 
oowadchanounat. 

Not to keep us, 
ncowadchanukcounnanonut. 

Not to keep you, 
koowadchanukoounnaout. 

Not to keep them, 
oowadchanounat. 



CO 



Not to pay me, 
Nuppaumunkoounat. 

Not to pay thee, 
kuppaumukoounat. 

Not to pay him, 
uppaumounat. 

Not to pay us, 
nuppaumukcounnanonut. 

Not to pay you, 
kuppaumukoounnaout. 

Not to pay them, 
uppaumounnaout. 



So much for the Suffix form Animate Negative. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



305 



[p. 59.] 

The Suffix form Animate Causative is not univer- 
sally' applicable to this Verb; neither have I yet fully 
beat it out : onely in some chief wayes of the use of it 
in Speech I shall here set down, leaving the rest for 
afterwards, if God will, and that I live to adde unto 
this beginning. 



U 



Affirmative, 

I cause thee to keep me, 
Koowadchanumwaheshnulf- 

hog. 
I cause thee to keep him, 
koowadchanumwahunun. 
I cause thee to keep them, 
koowadchanumwahunununk. 



f Thou makest me keep him, 

2 1 Koowadchanumwahen. 

J Thou makest me keep them, 

[^ kcowadchanumwaheneunk. 

He maketh me keep him, 

Ncowadchanumwahikqun- 

uh. 
He maketh me keep them, 
nah noowadchanuwahik- 
quuh. 



S< 



u 



Negative. 

r I cause thee not to keep me, 
Kcowadchanuwahuoohnuh- 

hog. 
I cause thee not to keep him, 
koowadchanumwahunooun. 
I cause thee not to keep them, 
koowadchanumwahunco- 
unuk. 

{Thou makest me not keep him, 
Koowadchanumwabein. 
Thou makest me not keep them 
koowadcbanumwaheinunk. 
"He maketh me not keep him, 
Noowadchanumwahikooun- 

uh. 
He maketh me not keep them, 
Ibid. 



3^ 



\li 



Imperative Mode, 



C\Make me keep him, 
J Wadchanurawaheh n nob. 
j Make me keep them, 
I Nah wadchanumwaheh. 



{Make me not keep him, 
wadchanumwahehkon. 
Make me not keep them, 
Ibid. 



p \ Suppositive Mode 

( If thou make me keep him, 
\ Wadchanumwahean yeuoh. 
VOL. IX. 40 



SIf thou make me not keep him, 
Wadchanumwaheean. 



306 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



[p. 60.] 

/ WAS purposed to put in no more Paradigms of 
Verbs ; but considering that all Languages (so far re 
as I know) and this also, do often make use of the Verb 
Substantive Passive, and in the reason of Speech it is 
of frequent use : Considering also that it fLoth differ 
in its formation from other Verbs, and thai Verbals 
are of ten derived out of this form, as Wadchanittuonk, 
Salvation, &c. &c. I have therefore here put down 
an Example thereof. 



The Verb Substantive Passive. 

Noowadchanit, I am kept. 

Indicative Mode. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



^< 



I am kept, 
Noowadchanit. 

Thou art kept, 
koowadchanit. 

He is kept, 
wadchanau. 



We are kept, 
Noowadchanitteamun. 

Ye are kept, 
koowadchanitteamwoo. 

They are kept, 
^wadchanoog. 



Prceter tense. 



Praiter tense. 



%>< 



I was kept, 
Noowadchanitteap. 

Thou wast kept, 
koowadchanitteap. 

He was kept, 
k wadchanop. \ 



We were kept, 
Noowadchanitteamunonup. 

Ye were kept, 
koowadchanitteamwop. 

They were kept, 
wadchanopanneg. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



307 



Imperative Mode. 



[p. 61.] 



f Let me be kept, 
| Wadchanilteadti. 
fcjjj Be thou kept, 
'§ j wadchanitteash. 

Let him be kept, 
^wadchanaj. 



Let us be kept, 
Wadchanitteatuh. 

Be ye kept, 
wadchanitteak. 

Let them be kept, 
^wadchanaj. 



Optative Mode. 



Present tense. 



Present tense. 



C I wish I be kept, 
I Noowaadchanittean-toh. 
sJqJ I wish thou be kept, 
| ' koowaadchanittean-toh. 
/ wish he be kept, 
waadchanon-toh. 



5- 
J? < 



/ wish we be kept, 
Noowaadchanitteanan-toh. 

/ wish ye be kept, 
koowaadchanitteaneau-toh. 

I wish they be kept, 
waadchanoneau-toh. 



Prater tense. 



Prater tense. 



&< 



I wish I was kept, 
Noowaadchanitteanaz-toh. 

I wish thou wast kept, 
koowaadcjianitteanaz-toh. 

1 wish he was kept, 
waadchanonaz-toh. ,. 



I wish we were kept, 
Noowaadchanitteananonuz- 
toh. 

I wish ye were kept, 
koowaadchanitteanaouz-tob. 

I wish they were kept, 
waadchanonaouz-toh. 



308 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN, 



[p. 62.] 



Suppositive Mode. 



§p< 



Present tense. 

f When I am kept, 
Wadchanitteaon. 

When thou art kept, 
wadchanitteaan. 

When he is kept, 
wadchanit noh. 



Present tense. 

When we are kept, 
Wadchanitteaog. 

When ye are kept, 
wadchanitteaog. 

When they are kept, 
wadchanit nag. 



The Prceter tense is formed by adding (us or as) 
unto the Present tense. 



Indefinite Mode. 

Wadchanitteinat, To be kept. 



The form Negative of the Verb Substantive Passive. 
Indicative Mode. 





Present tense. 




Present tense. 




1 am not kept, 




We are not kept, 




Noowadchanitteoh. 




Ncowadchanitteoumun. 


^< 


Thou art not kept, 




Ye are not kept, 


«o 


koowadchanitteoh. 


koowadchanitteoumwoo. 




He is not kept, 




They are not kept, 




^Mat wadchanau. 




Mat wadchanoog. 




Prceter tense. 




Prceter tense. 




I was not kept, 




We were not kept, [up 




Ncowadchanitteohp. 




Ncowadchanitteoumunnon- 


CO 


Thou wast not kept, 




Ye were not kept, 


kcowadchanitteohp. 


kcowadchanitteoumwop. 




He was not kept, 




They were not kept, 




^Mat wadchanouop. 




L Mat wadchanoop. 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



309 



LP- 63,] 



Imperative Mode of the form Negative Passive. 



^< 



Be thou not kept, 
Wadchanittuhkon. 

Let not him be kept, 
wadchittekitch. 



{Be not ye kept, 
Wadchanittuhkook. 
Let not them be kept, 
wadchanittekhettich. 



Suppositive Mode Passive Negative. 
Present tense. Present tense. 



»< 



When 1 am not kept, 
Wadchaneumuk. 

When thou art not kept, 
wadchaninoomuk. 

When he is not kept, 
wadchanomuk. 



The Plural is formed by 
adding (Mat) unto the 
form Affirmative. 



The Prater tense is formed by adding [us or as] to 
the Present tense. 



The Indefinite Mode Passive Negative, 

Wadchanqunat, Not to be kept. 



310 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 



[p. 64.] 

A TABLE of the Grammar of the Suffix Verbs Af- 
matical Addition after the word, are set down : As 
in the Indicative and Optative Modes ; The Imperative 
by the Suffix. Also note that (/ him) and Thou 
the Affix; and {Do thou him) in the Imperative 
and what is prefixed or suffixed to the Radix is 



Indicative Mode. 



Imperative Mode. 



Present tense. 



Prater tense. 



f 1 oush 
J 2 radio 
} 3 unumwoo 
1^4 oog 

1 eh or ah 

2 radio. 
i 3 imun 
[4 oog 

uk 

uk 

oh or uh 

ukqim 



ukkou 
oh or uh 



3<^ 



1 unumun 

2 oun 

3 unumun 

4 -ounonog 

1 imwco 

2 au 

3 imun 

4 auoog 

' 1 ukquog 

2 ukquog 

3 ouh 

4 ukqunono| 

5 ukcooog 

6 ouh 



unup 




1 


unutti 


op 
unumwop 


9 

1 * 


onti 
unonkqutch 


opanneg 


U 


onti 


»P 




eh 
radio. 


imunonup 


* 1 3 


innean 


opanneg 


U 


radio. 


ukup 


A 


r i 


itch 


ukup 

opoh 

ukqunonup 

ukcowop 

opoh 


s< 


2 
3 
4 
5 

l<3 


ukqush 

onch 

ukqutteuh 

ukook 

onch 


unumunonup 


fi 


unuttuh 


ounonup 


.'3 


ontuh 


unumunonup 


unuttuh 


ounonuppanneg 




^4 


ontuh 



imwop 
auop 

imunonup 
auopanneg 

ukuppanneg 

ukuppanneg 

auopuh [neg 

ukqunonuppan- 

ukooopanneg 

auopoh 



M 



egk or ig 
ok 

innean 
ok 

ukquttei or e- 

ukqush[hettich 

ahettich 

ukqutteuh 

ukook 

ahettich 



THE INDIAN GRAMMAlt BEGUN. 



311 



[p. 65;] 

Jirmative wherein onely the Suffixes, viz. The Gram- 
for the Affix or Prefix, you may observe it is used onelv 
and Suppositive Modes, lay it by, and are varied onely 
him) in the Indicative Mode, is the Radicall word with 
Mode is the Radicall word without any Affix or Suffix : 
Grammar. 



Optative Mode. 



Suppositive Mode. 





Present tense. 


Prater tense. 


Present tense 


Prater tense. 


f 1 unon 
, j 2 on 1 
1 3 uneau 
(_4 oneau 


' I unuaz 

2 onaz - 

3 ununnaouz 

4 onaouz 


'1 
2 

3 
4 


unon 
og 

unog 
og 


f 1 unos 
1 j 2 ogkus 
j 3 unogkus 
^4 ogkus 


2) % on 2, 

| 3 unean 
^4 oneau 


" 1 ineaz ' 

2 onaz ~ 

3 uneanonuz 

4 onaouz 1 


2 

j 


ean 

adt or at 
eog 
adt or at 


f 1 eas 
'2 as 
} 3 egkus 
(_4 as 


1 

3^ 


' 1 ukqun 

2 ukqun 

3 on . 

4 ukqunan 

5 ukquneau 

6 on 


" 1 ukqunaz 1 
.2 ukqunaz 
» onaz [nuzo 

4 ukqunano- 

5 ukqunaouz 

6 onaouz 


2 
3 

* 

6 


it 

ukquean 

ont 

ukqueog 

ukqueog 

ont 


f 1 is 

| 2 ukqueas 

3 J ^ os 
j 4 ukqueogkus 

| 5 ukqueogkus 

^6 os 


-f 1 unan 
j 12 onan 
j 3 unan 
(_4 onan , 


' 1 unanonuz 

2 onanonuz , 

3 unanonuz 

4 onanonuz 


h 

2 


unog 
ogkut 
unog 
ogkut 


C 1 unogkus 

1 j 2 ogkutus 

j 3 unogkus 

£ 4 ogkutus 


f 1 uneau 
2 1 2 oneau 2< 
] 3 unean 
(_4 oneua 


" 1 ineaouz 

, 2 onaouz ~ 

3 ineanonuz ' 

4 onaouz , 


'4 


eog 
og 
eog 
og 


J" 1 eogkus 
2 J 2 ogkus 
] 3 eogkus 
(_4 ogkus 


i 

3. 


" 1 ukquneau 

2 ukquneau 

3 oneau ' ~ 

4 ukqunan 

5 ukquneau 

6 oneau 


" 1 ukqunaouz j 

2 ukqunaouz 

3 onaouz [uzq 

4 ukqunanon- 

5 ukqunaouz 

6 onaouz 


2 
3 
4 

6 


hettit 

ukquean 

ahettit 

ukqueog 

ukqueog 

ahettit 


f 1 ehettis 
j 2 ukqueas 
J 3 ahettis 
j 4 ukqueogkus 
j 5 ukqueog 
(_ 6 ahettis 



Onely remember that (toh) zs fo 
6e annexed to every person 
and variation in this Mode. 



312 THE INDIAN GRAMMAR BEGUN. 

. [ P 66.] 

/ HAVE now finished tvhat I shall do at present : and in 
a word or two to satisfie the prudent Enquirer how I found 
out these new wayes of Grammar, which no other Learned 
Language (so far as I know) useth ; I thus inform him: 
God first put into my heart a compassion over their poor 
Souls, and a desire to teach them to know Christ, and to bring 
them into his Kingdome. Then presently I found out (by 
Godh wise providence) a pregnant witted young man, who 
had been a Servant in an English house, who pretty well un- 
derstood his own Language, and hath a clear pronunciation : 
Him I made my Interpreter. By his help I translated the 
Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and many Texts of 
Scripture : Also I compiled both Exhortations and Prayers 
by his help. I diligently marked the difference of their 
Grammar from ours : When I found the way of them, I 
would pursue a word, a noun, a verb, through all varia- 
tions / could think of And thus 1 Came at it. We must 
not sit still and look for miracles; Up, and be doing, and 
the Lord will be with thee. ^ Pra^r anckjmns, thrmi£§fQfa 
faith in Christ Jesus will do any thing. Nil tarn difficile 
quod non — I do believe and hope that the Gospel shall 
be spread to all the ends of the Earth, and dark corners of 
the world by such a way, and that such Instruments as the 
Churches shall send forth for that end and purpose. Lord 
hasten those good days, and pour out that good Spirit upon 
thy people. Amen. 



F1JVIS. 



Notes and Observations on Eliot's Indian Gram- 
mar. Addressed to John Pickering, Esq. By 
Peter S, Du Ponceau,* 



The great and good man, whose work has given rise to the 
following observations, did not foresee, when he wrote his Indian 
Grammar, that it would be sought after and studied by the learned 
of all nations, as a powerful help towards the improvement of a 
science not then in existence ; I mean the Comparative Science of 
Languages, which of late has made such progress in our own 
country, as well as in Europe where our aboriginal idioms have 
become a subject of eager investigation. The Augustine of New 
England had no object in view, but that which he expresses in 
his title page,—" the help of such as desired to learn the Indian 
language for the furtherance of the Gospel among the natives." 
But that worldly fame, which he did not seek, awaited him at the 
end of two centuries ; and his works, though devoted to religion 
alone, have become important sources of human learning. 

Religion and Science, well understood, are handmaids to each 
other. In no instance is this truth more evident than in the 
branch of knowledge of-which>we are treating. For it is to the 
"unwearied and truly apostolick labours of Christian missionaries, 
and of societies instituted for the propagation of the Gospel among 
distant nations, that we are indebted for the immense materials 
which we already possess on the subject of the various languages 
of the earth. The Roman Congregation De propaganda jide\ 
save the first impulse, which the zeal of the other Christian de- 
nominations has, in later times, not only followed but improved 
upon. The numerous translations of the sacred volume, which 
have been made under the patronage of the British, Russian, and 
American Bible Societies, into languages, many of which were till 
the^ unknown, except by their names, have afforded ample means 
of comparison between those various idioms ; the value of which is 

* These Remarks having been written at the suggestion of my learned friend, Mr. Pick- 
ering, I have thought it right to inscribe them to him as a just tribute of friendship and 
respect. ' P. S. D, 

t Many Grammars, Dictionaries, and Vocabularies of Asiatick, African and American 
languages, have been published under the direction of that Society, the only complete col- 
lection of which, perhaps, is in the Vatican or in their own library. As the science ad- 
vances, they will no doubt be reprinted, as the present work is, for the benefit of the 
learned. 

vol. ix, 41 



not yet so fully understood, as there can be no doubt it will be at a 
future day. 

The object of this science is the study of man through that 
noble faculty, which distinguishes him from the rest of the animal 
creation ; the faculty of " holding communication from soul to 
soul ;" an earnest, as I might say, and a foretaste of the enjoy- 
ments of celestial life. It is a branch, and an important one, of 
the " history of the human mind ;" a subject, to the study of 
which the Lockes, the Mallebranches, the Reids, the Stewarts, 
the Wolfs, the Leibnitzs and other distinguished men, whose 
names it is needless to mention here, have devoted their lives. 
The ignorant it is true, have said that " metaphysicks is vanity ;" 
but the ignorant may jest as much as they will, they can never 
succeed in eradicating from the breast of immortal man 

" This pleasing hope, this fond desire, 
This longing after something unpossessed," 

which so powerfully impels him to search into every thing that may 
throw light on his physical and moral existence. 

" 'Tis the Divinity that stirs within us" — 

It makes us feel that our soul is immortal ; and it is the agitation 
produced by this feeling, that makes us very naturally seek and 
love to dwell on the proofs of our glorious immortality. Hence 
the delight, which we take in the study of ourselves and of every 
thing that relates to us, and the efforts, which we make to carry 
our knowledge as far as the Almighty has permitted it to 
extend. He, who created the desire, well knows how to set 
bounds to our foolish inquiries ; but, limited as it is, the whole 
circle, by which our knowledge is bounded, is still open to our 
researches ; and we are yet very far from having reached its ut- 
most verge. 

God has revealed himself to mankind in two ways; by his 
sacred writings, and by the works of nature, constantly open be- 
fore us ; and it is the privilege as well as the duty of man to study 
both to the advancement of his glory. Therefore while the divine 
labours to discover the truths, which are concealed or rather 
veiled under the mysterious language of the former, the philoso- 
pher, irresistibly impelled by a similar desire, will interrogate the 
latter; and, with due submission, will view and compare all that 
can be grasped by his understanding and by his senses. Who 
Jcnows but .that, as this world advances towards its inevitable end, 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



Ill 



it may have been decreed that the knowledge of man should go on 
increasing, until the blaze of eternal light should burst at once upon 
the whole race ? But I find I have been involuntarily drawn into 
the regions of fancy ; it is time to turn to the less fascinating topicks 
which are the subject of these notes. 

Yet before I proceed to the Language of the Massachusetts lu- 
dians, I may be permitted to shew what fruits have been derived 
from the pursuit of our science, since it has begun to be considered 
as an interesting object of study. What great advantage may be 
derived from it in the end,— whether it Will enable us to solve the 
problem of the origin of the population of this continent, facilitate 
the formation of an universal oral or written language, or lead to 
some other discovery not yet thought of, though not less important 
than those that have been mentioned, is yet in the Womb of futu- 
rity ; nevertheless, it is certain, that the researches of modern phi- 
lologists have brought to light many curious and interesting facts, of 
which our ancesters were entirely ignorant, and by means of 
which the science has acquired certain fixed points, from whence 
we may proceed with greater ease to further and more particular 
investigations. ■ i 

By the labours of the illustrious Adelung, a census, as it were, 
has been taken of all the languages and dialects (that are known 
to us) existing on the surface of the earth. They have been all 
registered and enumerated, and it is now ascertained, as nearly as 
possible, that their aggregate numbers amount to 3064 ; of which 
Africa has 276, Europe 587, Asia 987, and America (the largest 
number of all) 1214, being more than Asia and Africa together, 
and nearly as many as the whole of the old continent, Africa ex* 
ceptedi It is true that in the interior, and, perhaps, even on the 
coast of the latter country, there are nations yet undiscovered, and 
whose languages, of course, are not known to us ; and in the enu- 
meration of American idioms it is easy to perceive, that the same 
tribes are sometimes registered more than once under different 
frames ; but when we consider, that there are also unknown Indian 
nations on our continent, we shall, by setting off these against those 
that are variously exhibited, have a tolerable approximation of their 
numbers and different idioms ; and, upon the whole, this inquiry 
leads us to the almost certain conclusion, that all the languages and 
dialects of our globe, known and unknown, do not exceed the num- 
ber of four thousand, but, on the contrary, the probability seems to 
be that they do not reach it. 

It is ascertained, at least nothing has yet appeared to the con- 
trary, that the languages of our American Indians are rich in words 



IV 



and grammatical forms ; that they are adequate to the expression 
even of abstract ideas, and that they have a mode (different from 
our own) by which they can easily combine their radical sounds 
with each other so as to frame new words, whenever they stand in 
need of them. What is still more extraordinary, the model of 
those languages has been found to be the same from north to 
south, varieties being only observed in some of the details, which 
do not affect the similarity of the general system ; while on the 
Eastern continent languages are found, which in their grammatical 
organization have no relation whatever with each other. And yet 
our American idioms, except where they can be traced to a com- 
mon stock, differ so much from each other in point of etymology, 
that no affinity whatever has been yet discovered between them. 
The philosopher, who considers this wonderful richness of forms in 
the languages of our Indians, will be apt to think, that it is the first 
stage of human speech; that all languages have been thus com- 
plex in their origin, and have acquired simplicity in the progress of 
civilization ; but if he will only bestow a single look upon the oral 
language of the Chinese, he will find his system strongly shaken ; 
for it cannot be civilization, that made this most imperfect idiom 
what it is; and not a single vestige remains in it to shew that it 
was ever a complex or even a polysyllabick language. On the 
contrary, it is to be presumed, that if the Chinese were to adopt 
an alphabetical mode of writing in lieu of their hieroglyphicks, 
their oral speech would be found insufficient at least for written 
communications, and the nation would be compelled to adopt new 
words and new grammatical forms. For their written characters 
represent no sounds to the ear, but only ideas to the mind ; the 
beauty of their poetry, as well as their prose, consists in the ele- 
gance of the associations of ideas presented to the mind through 
the visual sense ; and their communications through the ear serve 
only for the more common and coarser purposes of life. What 
affinity is there then between such a language and those of the In- 
dians of America ; and how can they be said to be derived from 
each other ? This is an interesting problem, the solution of which 
yet remains to be discovered. 

It has been, moreover, ascertained that one nation at least on 
the eastern continent of Asia, the Sedentary Tschuktschi, speak an 
American language ; a dialect of that, which begins in Greenland, 
crosses the American continent (on both coasts of which it is found 
among the people called EskimauxJ is spoken at Norton Sound, 
and the mouth of the Anadir, and from thence northward, along 
the coast to the peninsula called Tschutschkoi JYoss, or the pro- 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. V 

montory of the Tschutschki. On the other hand, no nation has 
yet been discovered on this continent, that speaks an Asialick lan- 
guage. The grammatical forms of the languages of the Koriaks, 
Lamouts, Kamtchadales, and other nations of the eastern coast of 
Asia, are not yet known to us ; and while we are taking pains to 
investigate the languages of our own country, it is much to be 
wished, that the learned men of the Russian empire would collect 
and communicate information respecting those of their Kamtchad- 
ale, Samoyed and Siberian tribes ; so that a full comparison might 
be established between them and those of our Indians. 

It has been also ascertained, (and the discovery was first par- 
tially made by the great navigator Cook,) that from the peninsula 
of Malacca in Asia to the Cocos Island, a hundred leagues from 
the coast of Tierra Firme, and through the various clusters of 
islands in the South Sea, and also in the Island of Madagascar, 
dialects of the same language (the Malay) are spoken; which, with 
other indications, has led an ingenious American writer, Dr. Mc 
Culloh of Baltimore, to suppose that the South Sea was once a 
continent, and that America was peopled through that channel.* 
This question deserves further investigation ; and the Malay, as 
well as its cognate languages, ought to be studied with that view. 
No traces of this language have been yet discovered on the coast 
of the American continent ; but they may appear on further re- 
search. 

I should exceed the bounds which I have prescribed to myself, 
if I were to take notice of all the interesting facts, which the com- 
parative science of languages has brought to light. Nor is this 
the proper place to do it. My task is that of an annotator of the 
venerable Eliot's Grammar of the (Massachusetts) Indian lan- 
guage ; and my object is to communicate, in aid of this valuable 
work, some of the most material facts and observations which sev- 
eral careful perusals of its contents, with collateral studies, have 
disclosed and suggested to me. Among those studies, I have not 
neglected that of his translation of the sacred writings, from which 
I have derived a greater insight into the nature, forms and con- 
struction of this curious language, than could be obtained from the 
Grammar alone ; for this is by no means so full as it might have 
been, if the illustrious author, impelled by his zeal for the propaga- 
tion of the Christian faith, had not written it for immediate use, as 
introductory to the further instruction, which he was so well quali- 

* Researches on America, being an attempt to settle some points relative to the Aborig- 
ines of America, &c. By James H. McCullohJunr. M. D. Baltimore, Robinson, 1817. 
Octavo. 






VI NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAEL. 

fied to give to those who stood in need of it. I have had no other 
view in writing these notes than to facilitate the labours of my fel- 
low students, and shall be happy $ if my efforts shall prove success- 
ful, though but in an inconsiderable degree* 

There can be no doubt, that this language is a dialect of that 
widely extended idiom which was spoken, with more or less va- 
riation, by the Souriquois and Micmacs in Nova Scotia^ the Etche- 
mins, who inhabited what is now the State of Maine, the Massa- 
chusetts, Narragansets, and other various tribes of the Almouchi* 
quois* in New England, the Knisteneaux, and Algonkins or Chip- 
peways in Canada, the Mohicans in New York, the Lenni Lenape, 
or Delawares, Nanticokes and other nations of the same stock in 
Pennsylvania and Maryland, and lastly, by the Powhatans in Vir- 
ginia ; beyond which, to the southward, their race has not been 
discovered, but extended itself westward, under various names, 
such as Kickapoos, Potawatamies, Miamis or Twightwees, &c. to 
the great river Mississippi ; on the other side of which the Sioux 
or Naudowessie, and the language of the Pawnees, (or Panis,) 
branching into various dialects, appear to predominate. On this 
side, this rich idiom of the Wapanachki, or Men of the East, and 
the Iroquois with its kindred languages, the Huron or Wyandot, 
and others, enjoyed exclusive sway 5 while to the southward,' to* 
wards Louisiana and Florida, a number of idioms are found, which 
do not at all appear to be derived from each other, such as the 
Creek or Muskohgee, Chickasaw and Choctaw, Uchde, (yet un- 
known,, but said to have a character peculiar to itself,) AtacapaSj 
Chetimachas and others, among which no analogy is to be found 
by the comparison of their different vocabularies. The same phe- 
nomenon, has been observed in the kingdom of Mexico; where 
several languages entirely different are crowded together on a small 
spot, while elsewhere as in Peru, Chili and Paraguay, some one or 
two master idioms extend their domitiion in various dialects, like 
our Wapanachki and Iroquois, td a very great distance. f These 
remarkable facts will not escape the attention of the philosopher*; 
but being foreign to my present subject, I have thought it sufficient 
merely to point them out to the observation of those who feel an 
interest in these disquisitions. 

I shall not waste time in proving, by the analogy of words, the 

* The French called the New England Indians by the general name of' 
Almouchiquois or Armouchiquote, which name is to be seen in several of the 
ancient maps. 

} The Aztek or Mexican proper, Othomi, Tarascan, Huastecan, &c^ 



notes on Eliot's Indian grammar. vii 

strong affinity which exists between the Massachusetts and the 
Lenape, Algonkin and Mohican languages; of all which the former 
more or less partakes, not without a mixture of the Souriquois, 
Etchemin and other Nova Scotia dialects ; it is sufficient to quote 
what my venerable friend, Mr. Heckewelder, wrote to me on the 
8th of April, 1819.* " I once had," he says, M Eliot's Bible here 
for examination, and well understanding the Mohican language, I 
soon worked myself into the Natick, so that I could not only un- 
derstand the one half of it at least, but became quite familiar with 
the language. There are certain letters in the words which are 
changed, as I have already somewhere mentioned to you." This 
change of letters is noticed by Eliot himself in his Grammar, page 
2, where he instances the word dog, called anum by the Massa- 
chusetts proper, alum by the Nipmuk, and arum by the northern 
Indians. The Delawares say allum, the Algonkins alim, the 
Etchetnins or Abenakis, (Indians of Penobscot and St. John's) 
allomoos, and the Miamis lamah.f The changes of the consonants 
I, m, n, and r for each other are very frequent in the various dia- 
lects of American languages. Thus the Delawares of New Swe- 
den called themselves Renni Renape, instead of Lenni Lenape, 
making use of the r where the others have the I. These varia- 
tions are very necessary to be attended to in the comparative 
study of our aboriginal idioms ; other instances of them will 
appear in the course of these notes. 

. Notwithstanding the strong affinity, which exists between the 
Massachusetts and these various languages of the Algonkin or 
Lenape class, is too clear and too easy of proof to be seriously 
controverted, yet it is certain that a superficial observer might with 
great plausibility deny it altogether. He would only have to com- 
pare the translation of the Lord's prayer into the Massachusetts, as 
given by Eliot in his Bible, Matthew vi. 9, and Luke xi. 2, with 
that of Heckewelder into the Delaware from Matthew, in the His- 
torical Transactions, vol. i. page 439, where he would not find 
two words in these two languages bearing the least affinity to each 
other. But this does not arise so much from the difference of the 
idioms, as from their richness, which afforded to the translators 
multitudes of words and modes of expressing the same ideas, from 
which to make a choice ; and they happened not to hit upon the 
same forms of expression* Thus Eliot translates the words " Our 

*The numerous letters and other communications, which I have received from Mr. Hecke* 
welder on the subject of the Indian languages, will be considered at a future day as a most 
valuable and interesting collection, 'fhcy are carefully preserved. 

f See Barton's New Views, Comparative Vocab, Verbo Dog. 



Vlii NOTES ON ELIOT's INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

Father which art in heaven" by Nooshun Kesukqut, which literally 
means, " Our Father who art in the starry place, among the great 
luminaries of the sky," from the Delaware Gischuch, the sun, 
which the Narragansets called Keesuckquand, and adored it by 
that name ;* whence Kesuck, or Keesuck, (or rather Keesukh 
with a guttural % at me end,) by which these nations designated 
what we call the sky or the heavens, and also the sun and the space 
of a day. This NcoshunKesukqut might easily have been ren- 
dered in the Delaware by JVooch Gischuchink, " Our father heaven 
or sun in" (the preposition in being expressed in the Massachu- 
setts by the termination ut or qut y and in the Delaware by ink, as 
is usual in the Indian languages ;) but Zeisberger and Heckewel- 
der preferred substituting for the word JYooch, which is that by 
which children address their natural father, the more elegant word 
Wetochemelenk ; and in turning to Mr. Heckewelder's Correspon- 
dence in the Histor. Transactions, p. 421, it will be found, that 
they had still a choice of other terms for the same word father ; 
such is the wonderful richness of these barbarous languages. It 
may be remarked here, that even Eliot's own translations of the 
Lord's prayer, as given in Matthew and Luke, differ from each 
other more than the variations of the text require ; as for instance, 
in the sentence "Give us this day (or day by day) our daily 
bread ; in Matthew this is translated by Nummeetsuongash aseke-> 
sukokish-f assamaiinean yeuyeu kesukod, which literally means 
" Our victuals of every day give us this this (for energy's, sake) 
day on, or sun on." And in Luke xi. 2, he translates it thus : 
Assamaiinnean kokokesukodae nutasesesukokke\ petukqunneg, by 
which the text is literally rendered, in the same order of words: 
" Give us day by day our daily bread," These observations I 
have thought it necessary to make, with the expectation that they 
may be useful to the student, in his comparative views of the In- 
dian languages. 

I ought to observe here also, that the language of Eliot's Gram- 
mar may, possibly, not be exactly the same with that of his trans- 

* See Roger Williams' Key, Chap. xii. in 3 Mass. Hist, Col. p, 217. 

t Daily or every day, every sun ; from kesuk, sun, as above mentioned. 

X I am inclined to believe, that there is here an errour of the press, and that this word 
should have been printed nuttasekosukokke, from kesuk, day or sun, and the t should have 
been duplicated for the sake of the affixed pronoun n, so as to read nut-ta or n'ta, and not 
nu-ta, &c. 

[Mr. Du Ponceau's conjecture is well founded. He uses the edition of 1680, which, al^ 
though it is the revised one, is evidently incorrect in this instance. The edition of 1661 has 
the word as Mr. Du Ponceau here supposes it should be— nutasekesukokke.] 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR, ix 

lation of the Bible. There are some differences in the words, as 
well as in the forms of speech, which it is indispensable that the 
student should be aware of. For instance ; in his Grammar, page 
13, he gives the wordne^w^, (from the Delaware rtgutti,) to ex- 
press the numeral one, whereas in his Bible he more commonly 
makes use of pasuk, from the Algonkin pegik and Chippeway 
pashik. Thus he says pasuk cherub, " one cherub." 2 Chron. 
iii. 11. Pasuk ox, lamb, ram. Numb, xxviii. 27, 28, 29. " Pa- 
sukqunnuco weyausco," one flesh. Gen. ii. 24. And so in other 
places. As I proceed in my observations upon his Grammar, I 
shall also shew some differences in the forms. Yet the two lan- 
guages (if in fact he did employ more than one dialect) appear 
to be substantially the same. 

This translation of the Bible by our venerable Eliot is a rich 
and valuable mine of Indian philology. A complete grammar and 
dictionary might, with labour and perseverance, be extracted from 
it ; for there is hardly a mode or figure of speech, which is not to 
be found somewhere in the sacred writings. It has been of great 
use to me in the investigation of the character and structure of the 
American languages, and I hope to derive still further benefit from 
it. Every copy of it, that is yet extant, ought to be preserved with 
the greatest care, as it is hardly to be hoped that it will ever be 
entirely reprinted. 

It is not, however, every attempt at translation into the Indian 
languages, that ought to be trusted to by the student. Indeed, it is 
but too true, that even simple vocabularies, when not made by 
persons, who have resided long among the Indians or who are ex- 
tremely careful and judicious, are in general miserably deficient. 
Such is that of the language of the Delawares of New Sweden, 
published by Campanius Holm at Stockholm in 1696, with Luther's 
Catechism in Swedish and Indian ; both of which (the vocabulary 
and the translation) are exceedingly faulty, and betray the grossest 
ignorance of the language. Mr. Heckewelder is of opinion, that 
the writer knew but little of it himself, and that he compiled his 
work with the aid of Indian traders, by whom he was constantly led 
into errour. Some of his mistakes are truly ludricrous. He trans- 
lates the words " Gracious God" by Sweet Manitto ; but the word 
vinckan, (it should be wingan,) by which he attempts, to express 
sweet, is one, which in the Delaware language, is only applied to 
eatables ; so that the sense, which he conveys to an Indian, is that 
of O sweet tasted Manitto ! Yet no language is richer in suitable 
appellations for the Deity. In the same manner, when he means 
to express the verb " to love" in a divine sense, he uses the word 
tahottamen, applicable only to the liking, which men have for 
perishable things, when he had eholan, from the substantive ahol- 

vol. ix. 42 



X NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

lowagan, (love,) which it is most probable he was unacquainted 
with. These observations were communicated to me by Mr. 
Heckewelder, with many others of the same kind ; which, while 
they prove the ignorance of the writer of that book, afford additional 
evidence of the astonishing richness of our Indian languages, and of 
the multitude of words, by means of which they can discriminate 
between the most delicate shades of the same thought. The verb 
to love is still differently, but not improperly, expressed by our 
Eliot : " Womonook kummatwomooog," love one another. Matt. v. 
44. This word is derived from wunnegen, good ; Delaware wuli- 
echen, it is good or well done. Kah kusseh mo ahche wunnegen, 
" And behold it was very good." Gerp. i. 31. From the same root 
is the word wunanum, bless ; Wunanum Jehovah, " Bless the Lord." 
Ps. ciii. 1. There appears to be no end to this rich variety. 

I cannot help observing here, that the same richness, not only 
in terms applicable to physical subjects, but in moral and metaphy- 
sical terms, is to be found in the southern as well as in the northern 
languages. Thus in the Huastecan idiom (New Spain) we have 

Canezomtaba, love, in a general sense. 

Canezal, to love (in this sense.) 

Lehnaxtalah, love with desire (amor deseando.) 

Lehnal, to love, in this sense (apetecer.) 

Cacnaxtabal, love with courtship {amor cortesano.) 

Cacnal, to love, in this sense (cortejar.) 

Cacnax, a lover, in this sense (cortejo.) 

Zenteno's Grammar, p. 51. 

But it is time that I should have done with these general ob- 
servations. I shall proceed now to remark more directly on the 
contents of the Grammar, which is the immediate subject of these 
notes. 



/. Alphabet 

■ . ■ (Gram. p. 1.)* 

It is much to be regretted, that the learned have not yet 

agreed upon some mode of communicating to the ear, through 

the eye, an uniform impression of the effects of the various 

sounds produced by the human organs of speech. The only 

* The reader will observe, that this and the other references to the Gram- 
mar are made to the original paging of that work, which is preserved in the 
margin of the present edition. 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. x\ 

way to obtain this desirable end, is for some person endowed 
with correct judgment and a nice, discriminating ear, to propose 
an alphabet, or table of signs, which, after a time, cannot fail 
(with perhaps some slight variations) to be generally adopted. 
My learned friend, Mr. Pickering, of Salem, in an excellent 
Essay, lately published in the fourth volume of the Memoirs of 
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, has broken the ice 
and proposed an alphabet for our own Indian languages, which 
has the merit of great simplicity.- It is understood, that its 
principles are to be followed in the publication of several 
vocabularies, that are to be inserted in the Journal of the late 
Expedition to the Westward under the command of Major 
Long, which is shortly to be put to the press by Mr. Nuttall ; 
and there is no doubt that his example will be followed by 
others, particularly by missionaries, to whom the Essay has 
been transmitted by the missionary societies. If, as there is 
great reason to expect, Mr. Pickering's orthography gets into 
general use among us, America will have had the honour of 
taking the lead in procuring an important auxiliary to philological 
science. 

It is universally admitted, that the alphabets of the principal 
European nations, which have been hitherto used to represent 
the sounds of our Indian languages, are inadequate to the pur- 
pose. The English is anomalous, and its powers not sufficient- 
ly determined. Its system of vowels is particularly defective. 
The French partakes of the same defects, though in a less de- 
gree ; and in other respects is too often apt. to mislead, because 
its consonants are generally unarticulated at the end of words. 
The German is more perfect than either ; but German ears do 
not sufficiently discriminate between the hard and soft conso- 
nants, such as b and p, g hard and k, and d and t, by which 
considerable confusion is introduced. It will be recollected, 
that in Zeisberger's Vocabulary of the Delaware, the letter g 
is frequently used as homophonous with /<:, because, it is said, the 
printer had not a sufficient number of types to furnish the lat- 
ter character as often as it was wanted. Notwithstanding this 
defect, however, it must be acknowledged that a better idea of 
the sounds of the Indian languages is given by means of the 
German alphabet than of any other. 

Our author has, of course, made use of the English letters to 
express the sounds of the Massachusetts language ; in conse- 
quence of which, it is sometimes difficult to recognize even the 
same words differently spelt by Zeisberger in the Delaware. 
Thus the latter writes nWee, (my heart,) which is to be pro- 
nounced as if spelt n'day, according to the powers of the 



xil NOTES ON ELIOT ? S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

English alphabet. Eliot, on the contrary, writes it nuttah. This 
makes it appear a different word, in which we scarcely per- 
ceive an analogy with the former. By the first syllable, nut, he 
means to express the sounds, which the German represents by 
n'd (perhaps n't, for the reason above suggested,) the short u stand- 
ing for the interval, or sheva, between the two consonants ; which 
Zeisberger more elegantly represents by an apostrophe. The last 
syllable, tah, is the German dee or tee, (English day or tay,) the a 
being pronounced acute, as in grace, face. If our author had 
selected the dipthong ay to express this sound, and reserved the a 
to represent its broad pronunciation in Jar, car, the student would 
have been much better able to perceive the analogy between the 
Massachusetts and its cognate idioms. But that was not his object ; 
and it was enough for him that the mode of spelling, which he 
adopted, was sufficient for his purpose. Had he taken the other 
course, n'dee and n'tay would have been immediately recognized 
to be the same word ; while n'dee and nuttah hardly shew any re- 
semblance. It ought to be observed, that, although our venerable 
grammarian, in his alphabet, ascribes the acute pronunciation to 
the letter a, (except when it takes its short sound before a conso- 
nant,) and generally expresses the broad sound of that letter by au, 
yet there are many words, in which it has the open sound, es- 
pecially when followed by h : But this can only be discovered by 
comparison with other languages, derived from the same stock. 

The whistled TV, of which he takes no notice, but which it is 
evident exists in the Massachusetts, as well as in the other Wa- 
panachki idioms, he represents sometimes by w and sometimes also 
by short u, as in uppaumauopoh, " they did pay him," for ufpaum- 
auopoh. This is placed beyond a doubt by the circumstance of 
the personal pronouns affixed to the verbs ; n' for the first person, 
&' for the second, and u? for the third ; being the same in the 
Delaware and Massachusetts languages. Before a vowel, he em- 
ploys the w, as in. wantamooh, " he is not wise ;" and sometimes 
prefixes the co, as in " cowadchanumcoun," he does not keep it. 
This co, placed before the w, was probably meant to express the 
peculiarity of the whistled sound, by which he seems to have been 
not a little embarrassed. I believe he once meant to have repre- 
sented this sound by vf, to which he ascribes a peculiar pronuncia- 
tion, different from that of v in save, have. (See his alphabet, and 
his observations on the v consonant in his Grammar, page 2.) But 
he does not seem to have kept to his purpose ; for I do not find the 
#/* employed elsewhere, either in his Grammar or in his translation 
of the Bible and New Testament, but always either the w, the cow 
or the short u when followed by a consonant. 



Xlll 

It is remarkable, that our author appropriates no character, or 
combination of characters, to express the guttural sound of the 
Greek %•> which is very frequent in these languages. This is a 
defect very common to Englishmen, who attempt to express Indian 
sounds by the letters of their alphabet. This sound, being entirely 
wanting in our language, is very often neglected and not at all 
noticed. In some vocabularies it is expressed by gh ; but as these 
letters are almost always mute in proper English words, it is diffi- 
cult to know when they are to be pronounced, or are merely used 
to lengthen the sound of the preceding vowel or diphthong. 

The letter q is often employed by our author, without any other 
apparent power than that of k, as in " tcohkeqnn," heavy, 1 Samuel, 
iv. 18; but he also uses it more properly as in English before ua 
and uo, as in wuskesukquash, " his eyes," and in squontamut, " the 
gate." Ibid. 15. 18. 

Upon the whole, this alphabet, though not so perfect as it might 
be in the eyes of the scholar, appears, nevertheless, to have fully 
answered the pious purpose of the excellent author ; for he tells 
us in his Grammar, page 4, that the Indians, by means of it, 
" soon apprehended and understood this Epitome of the Art of 
Spelling, and (by its means) could soon learn to read." 



II. Noun Substantive. 

(Gram. p. 8.) 

Our author gives but little information on this subject; perhaps 
there is but little to be given. The genders, as in the Delaware, 
are not masculine and feminine, but animate and inanimate. Trees, 
plants, and grasses^are in the class of inanimates ; which is different 
from the Delaware, for in that they are classed as animates, except 
annual plants and grasses. 1 Hist. Trans, p. 367, 368. 

Substantives are not varied by " Cases, Cadencies and Endings," 
except animates, when governed by a verb transitive, when they 
end in oh, uh, or ah. The genders are also distinguished by a 
difference of termination, but merely for the designation of the 
plural number. This termination is og in the animate, and ash in 
in the inanimate form. In the Delaware, the animate has ak, and 
the inanimate all or wall. In the Narraganset, the plural endings 
are ock, og, auock, for the animate, and ash, anash for the inanimate. 
Mithrid, vol. iii. part iii. page 381. 

We are not a little surprised, however, after the positive state- 



XIV NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

ment of our author, that substantives are not distinguished by cases, 
(except as above mentioned,) to find different terminations of the 
same word, in various parts of his translation of the Bible, of which 
he makes no mention and gives no explanation in his Grammar: 
Wuttaunoh Zion, " Daughter of Zion." Lament, ii. 8. Woi Jeru- 
salemme wuttaunin, " O daughter of Jerusalem." Woi penomp 
Zione wuttaunin, " O virgin daughter of Zion." Ibid. 13. Wuta- 
assuneutunk wuttanoh Zion, "The wall of the daughter of Zion." 
Lamentat. ii. 8. Woi kenaau Jtrusaleme wuttauneunk, " O ye 
daughters of Jerusalem." Solom. Song, ii. 7. Kali ompetak wut- 
taneu, "And she bare a daughter." Gen. xxx. 21. 

The first of these terminations is correct ; nuttanoh, kuttanoh, 
wuttanoh, " my, thy, his daughter," are the proper nominatives of 
this word ; and its being used in the genitive in the passage cited 
(the wall of the daughter of Zion) does not militate against the rule 
laid down ; but the termination in in the vocative singular, and unk 
in the vocative plural, cannot be accounted for, any more than eu 
in the accusative governed by an active verb. The proper plural 
ending of this word is the animate form og, which our author fre- 
quently employs. Qushkeh wonk nuttaunog, "Turn again, my 
daughters." Ruth i. 12. I am at a loss how to explain these 
variations, otherwise than by the conjecture offered before, that our 
author might have had recourse to different Indian dialects in trans- 
lating the sacred writings. The Delaware has a vocative case, 
which generally ends in an: Wo Kitanittowian ! O God ; Wo 
JYihillalan, O Lord, &c. Zeisberger's MS. Grammar. 



III. The Article. 

It is remarkable, that this language appears to possess a definite 
article, although no mention is made of it in this Grammar. This 
article is mo, contracted from monko, and properly signifies it. Kah 
monko nnih, "And it (was) so." Gen. i. 7, 9, 11. 24, 30. Onk 
mo nnih, "And it (was) so." Ibid. 15. Kah kusseh mo ahche 
wunnegen, "And behold it (was) very good." Ibid. 31. 

This pronoun when used as an article, is still further contracted 
into m, which, when followed by a consonant, Eliot connects with it 
by the English short u, according to his method, and sometimes by 
short e. Thus he writes metah, "the heart," which should be pro- 
nounced mHah. It is evident, that the m stands here for an article, 
because the personal affixes my, thy, his, are n, k, and w ; nuttah 
or nHah, " my heart," kuttah or kHah, " thy heart," wuttah or 



NOTES ON ELIOT 7 S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XV 

wHah, " his e>>* her heart," and not n'mettah, k'mettah, iv'mettafi. 
In the translation of the Bihle, this article frequently appears. Kes- 
teah pakke metah, "Create in me a clean heart." Psalm li. 10. 
Pohqui kah tannogki metah, " A broken and contrite heart." Ibid. 
17. Several words are also found in his Grammar, in which this 
article is prefixed, though not noticed as such. Mukquoshim, (m'- 
quoshim,) a wolf, muhhog, (rrfhog,) the body, he. When the per- 
sonal form is employed, the m is left out, and the pronominal affix 
substituted : Yen nuhhog, " This is my body." Matt. xxvi. 36. 

This article exists in several of the Indian languages, as in the 
Othomi, where it is expressed by na ; JVa hay, the earth, na metze, 
the ice, na qhi, the blood, he. — (See Molina.) It appears also in 
the Algonkin and its cognate idioms: MitticJc, meeteelc, (Algonk. 
and Chippew.) a tree ; Delaware, hittuck, and I think also m'hittuck; 
Mahican, metooque ; Shaw anese, meticqueh ; all which appear to be 
the same word. — Barton's. New Views, verbo wood. So also the 
Mahican, jnooquaumeh, ice, (Barton ;) Shawanese, m'quama, (John- 
ston ;) Potowatameh, mucquam, (Barton ;) Delaware, m'hockquam- 
mi, (Heckewelder,) and moseet, which in the language of the In- 
dians of Penobscot and St. John's, means the foot, (Barton,) and is 
clearly the Delaware nheet, k'seet, w'seet, (my, thy, his foot,) which 
Mr. Heckewelder writes n'sit, he, but observes that the i is long.* 



* Since writing the above notes, I have received an answer to a letter, 
which I addressed to Mr. Heckewelder on the subject of the definite article, a 
part of speech, which had not been noticed by grammarians in the Indian 
languages ; and I have now the satisfaction to find, that the opinions above 
expressed were well founded. The letter also corroborates some of my ety- 
mological statements ; and, as it is short, I have thought it best to insert it 
entire : 



" Bethlehem, 23d August, 1821. 
" My dear friend, 

" I have this moment received your favour of the 21st, and having time left 
sufficient to answer thereto, before the closing of the mail, I comply with your 
request. The article "mo" for a or the, which you discovered to be prefixed 
to substantives in the language of the Naticks, is the same in the language nf 
the Lenape. We frequently leave the letter m out, in writing as the word 
is well understood without it, and because a reader, not acquainted with the 
language, might pronounce it too harsh, as em, or emdee, for the heart. 
So it is with other words also, as for instance, in those you quote. The Lena- 
pe say, m'hittuck, the tree, or a tree. The Minsi say, michtuk, a tree ; also, 
m'tachan, wood ; the Minsi say, Machtdchan; yet both hittuk and tuchan 
answer the same purpose. 

'• With regard to the latter part of your letter, I can only repeat what I have 
in former letters already noticed, viz. that in the Mahicani and other eastern 



Xvi NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



IV. Adjectives. 

(Gram. p. 13.) 

Adjectives are seldom used singly in the Indian languages, 
because they are easily compounded with the verb and other parts 
of speech ; with the verb as in the Latin sapio, frigeo, he. and 
with the substantive in a variety of ways, which will be best ex- 
plained by examples. I lately sent to Mr. Heckewelder the Em- 
press Catharine's Vocabulary, in the German language, requesting 
him to fill it up with the same words in the Delaware. He very 
kindly complied with my request, but left some blanks in the Indian 
part, for which he referred me to notes, (also written in German,) 
which accompanied it. Among the words thus left blank, were the 
adjectives old and young, which he said he could not express by 
terms sufficiently general. The notes on these two words have 
appeared to me so interesting, and so well calculated to shew the 
peculiar construction of the Indian languages, that I have thought 
the reader would not be displeased to have a translation of them. 
I shall, therefore, fill up the present article with the valuable infor- 
mation which they contain. 



" Notes on the word old. 

" On this I have to observe, that there are many words which 
it is difficult, and some even impossible to render by terms, which 
convey precisely the same general idea ; the Indians being so very 
nice in their discriminations, and having words adapted to every 
shade which they wish to distinguish. They are particularly atten- 
tive to distinguishing between what is animate and what is inanimate. 
Sometimes, also, there are words which have a double meaning. 
I will give some examples. 



idioms, (the Natick, &c.) the changing of certain letters in words, and the 
dropping here and there a letter at the end of a word, from that of the mother 
tongue, (the Lenape,) causes a difference in the writing and speaking, but 
not in understanding the same, by any person who can speak, or understand 
the Lenape. Examples : The Lenape say, n'dellan, the Mahicani nHtnnan, 
changing the letter I into the letter n. The mail being abqut to close, I con- 
clude in haste. I shall write to you further very soon. 

JOHN HECKEWELDER." 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. xvii 

" The word old is employed by us in the most general 
sense. We say in our languages, an old man, an old horse, 
an old dog, an old house, an old basket, &tc. The Indians, on 
the contrary, vary their expressions, when speaking of a thing'that 
has life, and of one that has not ; for the latter, instead of the 
word old, they use terms which convey the idea, that the thing 
has lasted long, that it has been used, worn out, he. Of all 
which take the following examples : 

1. Kikey, old, advanced in years (applied to things animate.) 

2. Chowiey, or chowiyey, old by use, wearing, &tc. 

" Note. The first syllable in the word kikey, compounded 
with other syllables, conveys the idea of parents, (Lat. majores; 
Germ, eltern,) and in brutes is expressive of the stock or race, 
from which they proceed : 

" Compounds. 

Kikey, or kikeym (i long,) to be old, advanced in years. 

Kikeyitschlk, old, elderly people. 

Kikeyilenno, on old man, advanced in years. 

Kikey ochqueu, an old, elderly woman. 

Kikechum, the old one of the brute kind. 

Kikehelleu, the old ones of the feathered tribe. 

" There are also suffixes, denoting the age of animated beings, 
which are worthy of remark ; as 

Mihillusis, an old man, (Germ, ein alter Greis ; Fr. un vieillard, 

un barbon.) 
Chauchschisis, an old woman, (Germ, altes mutterchen ; Fr. 

vieille bonne femme.) 
Mihilluschum, an old male quadruped. 
Chauchschachum, an old female quadruped. 

" The general words for things inanimate are, 

Chowiey^ or chowiyey, (Minsi, mfchowiey,) old. 
Chowigawan, an old house, (from wikwam, or wigwam.) 
Chohagihacan, an old field, (from hacki, earth or land.) 
Choutceney, an old town, (from utceney, or uteney, a town.) 
Chowaxen, old shoes, (from maxen, mockasons, or shoes.) 
Chowasquall, old grass, (from maskik, grass.) 
Chowiey, schakhocqui, old coat, old garment. 
vol. ix. 43 



Xviii NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

" There are other words, which denote a thing being old from 
use or wearing; as 

Metchihilleu, old ; worn out, (as an edged tool.) 
Pigihilleu, torn by long use or wearing. 
Logihilleu, fallen to pieces, &ic. 



" Notes on the word young. 

" It is here again difficult to find an adequate general term, 
as the Indians are always fond of discriminating, and using 
words peculiarly applicable to the thing spoken of. As we say, 
* a new born child or infant,' instead of ' a young child,' so in 
Delaware, the word wuski, which signifies new, is employed 
to convey the idea of youth ; and they compound it in the fol- 
lowing manner : 

Wuski, new, young, (Minsi wuskiey.) 

Wusken, wesgink, the new. 

Wuskilenno, a young man. 

Wuskochqueu, or wuskiechqueu, a young woman, 

Wuskelenapewak, young people. 

Wuskchum, a young quadruped. 

Wuskigawan, a new house. 

Wuskhagihacan, a new field. 

Wuskutceney, a new town. 

Wuskhaxen, new shoes. 

Wuskiquall, new grass. 

Wuskachpoan, new bread, (achpoan, bread.) 

Wuskitamen, to renew something, &ic. 

" Although the syllable wusk, prefixed to words, serves both 
to denote young and new, yet the Indians have, besides, a va- 
riety of other words for distinguishing the young among animals. 
For instance ; their general term for * the young,' the immediate 
offspring, is riitschan, (w'nitsclianall, his or her young or offspring, 
who have been brought alive and suckled,) and this applies to 
man, and beasts of the genus Mammalia; but when they speak of 
the feathered kind, or when the young is produced from the egg 
by hatching, they say, aninschihiUeu ; plural aninschihilleisak ; 
barely implying that the animals are young feathered creatures. 
See Zeisberger's Delaware Spelling Book, p. 100." 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. xix 



V. Pronouns. 

(Gram. p. 7.) 

The personal pronouns in the Massachusetts, as in the Dela- 
ware language, are divided into separable and inseparable ; and 
their etymology may be clearly traced to the same source. They 
are in the two languages as follows : 



MASSACHUSETTS. 


DELAWARE. 


I, JVeen. 


M. 


Thou, Ken. 


Ki. 


He or she, JVoh, or nagum. 


JYacama, or neka. 


We* Neenawun, or kenawun. 


JYiluna, or kiluna. 


Ye, Kenaau. 


Kiluwa. 


They, JYahoh, or nagoh. 


Necamawa. 



The inseparable pronouns, personal and possessive, are the same 
in both languages ; n representing the first person, k the second, 
and w, o, or 00, (as euphony may require,) the third, both in the 
singular and plural numbers. 

The particular plural of the Delawares, or the American 
plural, as Mr. Pickering very properly calls it, has excited 
much attention among philologists. Our author makes no men- 
tion of this distinction ; yet there is great reason to believe, that 
it exists in the Massachusetts idiom. In the Delaware, the par- 
ticular plural, though not mentioned in Mr. Zeisberger's Gram- 
mar, is expressed by niluna, which means we, some of us, with 
relation to a particular number of persons. It is to be ob- 
served, that it begins with the letter n, indicative of the first 
person ; which, being repeated in the last syllable na, seems 
as if it meant to say, we, we; that is, we, particularly speak- 
ing, but not all ; whereas the general plural, kiluna, (we, all 
of us,) begins with the pronominal affix of the second person, 
as if to say, we and you, or we, you and all. The same dif- 
ference is found in the Massachusetts, where we is expressed in 
two modes, neenawun and kenawun; the one in the same man- 
ner beginning with the affix of the first person, afterwards re- 
peated, and the other with that of the second person ; from 
whence, and the great affinity of the two languages, I strongly 
conjecture, that neenawun means the particular, and kenawun 
the general plural. This might, I dare say, be ascertained by 
searching for examples in our author's translation of the Bible ; 
but these notes having been called for sooner than I expected, I 



XX NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

have not time at present for the investigation. If the rules of 
analogy are not deceptive, it will be found, I believe, that I am 
right in my conjecture. 

(Our author does not speak of a dual number ; nor is it probable 
there is any, other than the particular plural. 

The question whether all the Indian languages have the par- 
ticular plural, or some of them the dual in lieu of it, is an in- 
teresting one. I at first inclined to the former opinion ; but recent 
inquiries make the latter seem the most probable. In one of 
them, at least, (the Cherokee,) it appears that there is a dual 
number. Mr. Pickering, in consequence of the general remarks 
on this subject, in the Transactions of the Historical and Literary 
Committee, was led to conjecture, that what had been called the 
dual in the Cherokee, was in fact only the particular or limited 
plural, which is common to other Indian dialects. But he has 
since informed me, that upon conversing on this point with an 
intelligent young man of that nation, (who is perfectly familiar 
with our own language, (he has ascertained that this opinion was 
unfounded, and that the Cherokee language has a proper dual 
number, like the languages of antiquity. There are varieties 
in the polysynthetick forms of the Indian languages, which do not, 
however, affect their general character. Absolute uniformity is 
not to be found in any of the works of nature ; and there is 
no reason why languages should be excepted from this universal 
rule. 

The interrogative pronoun, as our author denominates it, howan, 
plural howanig, (who,) is also found in the Lenni Lenape. Zeis- 
berger and Heckewelder spell it auwen, which, according to the 
German pronunciation, gives the same sound, except the h at the 
beginning. This pronoun, in the Delaware, is formed into a verb 
in the following curious manner, which I extract from Zeisberger's 
MS. Grammar : 

From Auwen, who 

Singular. Ewenikia, who I am. 

Ewenikian, who thou art. 

Ewenikit, who he is. 
Plural. Ewenikiyenk, who we are. 

Ewenikiyek, who you are. 

Ewenikichtit, who they are. 

It is worthy of remark, that this nation, whose language (as 
I shall hereafter have occasion to observe) wants' the substantive 
verb, / am, has come so near it, as in these examples, without 



NOTES ON ELIOT ? S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXI 

being able to find it. It is said that they cannot translate into 
it the sublime sentence in Exodus iii. 14, I am that I am. 
This pronominal verb would, it seems, admirably express the last 
member of it, at least in the sense of the Vulgate translation Ego 
sum qjji sum. These are anomalies, which further study and 
inquiry may, perhaps, enable us to reconcile. 

The demonstrative pronoun yeu is in Delaware yun ; and, upon 
the whole, there is a great resemblance, in this part of speech, 
between the two languages. But neither Eliot nor Zeisberger 
have expatiated sufficiently upon it. Indeed, these languages are 
so rich in forms, that a complete grammar of any of them would 
be too voluminous for common use. 



VI. Verbs.- 

(Gram. p. 15.) 

The Verb is. the triumph of human language. Its funda- 
mental idea is that of existence ; / am, sum. This abstract 
sentiment receives shape and body from its combination with the 
various modifications of being, by action, passion and situation, 
or manner of existing ; 1 am loving, loved, sleeping, awake, 
sorry, sick; which the Latin tongue more synthetically ex- 
presses by amo, amor, dormio, vigilo, contristor, cegroto. Next 
come the accessary circumstances of person, number, time, and 
the relations of its periods to each other ; I am, thou art, we 
are, I was, I shall be, I had been, I shall have been. Here 
the Latin again combines these various ideas in one word with 
the former ones ; sum, es, sumus, eram, ero, fueram, fuero. 
Sometimes it goes further and combines the negative idea in the 
same locution, as in nolo; this, however, happens but rarely; 
and here seem to end the verbal powers of this idiom. Not so 
with those of the Indian nations. While the Latin combines but 
few adjectives under its verbal forms, the Indians subject this 
whole class of words to the same process, and every possible 
mode of existence becomes the subject of a verb. The gender 
or genus, (not, as with us, a mere division of the human species 
by their sex, but of the whole creation by the obvious distinc- 
tion of animate and inanimate,) enters also into the composition 
of this part of speech 5 and the object of the active or transi- 
tive verb is combined with it by means of those forms, which the 
Spanish-Mexican grammarians have called transitions, by which 



XXii NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

one single word designates the person who acts, and that which 
is acted upon. The substantive is incorporated with the verb in 
a similar manner : thus in the Delaware, n'matschi, "I am going 
to the house, I am going home ;" nihillapewi, " I am my own 
master, I am free ;" tpisquihilleu, " the time approaches," 
(properat hora.) The adverb likewise : nachpiki, "I am so 
naturally;" nipahwi, "to travel by night;" (noctanter ;) pach- 
' senummen, " to divide (something) equally" Stc. In short, every 
\ part of speech in these languages is capable of being associated 
with the verb and compounded with it, by means of its various in- 
I flexions and forms. What shall we say of the reflected, compul- 
' sive, meditative, communicative, reverential, frequentative and 
other circumstantial verbs, which are found in the idioms of New 
Spain, and other American Indian languages? The mind is lost 
in the contemplation of the multitude of ideas thus expressed at 
once by means of a single word, varied through moods, tenses, 
persons, affirmation, negation, transitions, &c. by regular forms 
and cadences, in which the strictest analogy is preserved ! Phi- 
losophers may, if they please, find here proofs of what they have 
thought proper to call barbarism ; for my part, I am free to say, 
that I cannot so easily despise what I feel myself irresistibly 
compelled to admire. 

It is to be regretted, that our venerable author has given but 
few Paradigms of the conjugations of the verbs in the Massa- 
chusetts language. There are, in fact, in this Grammar, but 
three — the active verbs to keep and to pay, and the neuter verb 
to be wise ; the two first of which are conjugated through their 
negative and transitive forms, and the latter only in the affirmative 
and negative. He makes us acquainted witfi the interrogative 
mood, and prescribes the form of conjugating verbs through it ; 
but, beyond that, the information which he gives, on the sub- 
ject of this part of speech, is very scanty ; while Zeisberger, on 
the contrary, in his MS. Grammar, has given us a profusion of 
the Delaware verbs, regularly conjugated, which will be found 
to afford much assistance to the student, and give him a great 
insight into the manner of compounding and conjugating verbs in 
these languages. 

Whether there are any, or how many, different forms of conju- 
gation in this language, does not appear. In the Delaware there 
are eight, distinguished by the terminations of their infinitive, or 
of the first person of the present tense of the indicative mood. 
Zeisberger enumerates them as follows : 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. Xxiii 

The 1st ending in in ; n'dappin, to be there. 

The 2d in a; n'da, I am going. 

The 3d in elandam indicates a dispo- > . , , 

sitionofthernind; . £ ni »elendam, / am sad. 

The 4th in men; gattamen, I request. 

The 5th in an; ahoalan, to love. 

The 6th in e or we ; n'delJovve, I say. 

The 7th in in, but used only in the > .. . 

transitive forms ; \ ™h™, «> give. 

The 8th In on ; n'peton, I bring. 

The moods and tenses of these two languages appear to be 
the same, though differently classed by their grammarians. Eliot 
divides the subjunctive mood into two, the optative and sup- 
positive, each having but one tense, which Zeisberger calls the 
present and conditional tenses of the conjunctive. Our author 
takes no notice of the participles, which the other includes under 
the infinitive mood. They are numerous, and susceptible of va- 
rious transitions and forms. Thus the verb gauwin, " to sleep," 
besides having three tenses in the infinitive, to wit, the present 
gauwin, the past or preterite, gauwineep, il to have slept," and 
the future, gauwintschi, which cannot be rendered into English, 
but in Latin dormiturus esse, has the following participles : pres- 
ent, gewit, " sleeping ;" (plural, gewitschik) preterite, gewitup, 
11 having slept ;" plural, gewitpannik. The future is given in 
other verbs. Examples of the conjugation of the participle of the 
causative verb, through the transitive forms, are given in the 
Historical Transactions, vol. i. p. 416, which I think unneces- 
sary to repeat here. I have no doubt that these forms sub- 
stantially exist in the Massachusetts idioms ; but our author's 
Grammar is by far too much abridged to admit of their being 
exhibited. 

The formation of the future tense of the indicative mood is 
different in the Massachusetts aad Delaware languages. In the 
former, it is expressed by the auxiliaries 7nos and pish ; as, kah 
pish kuttdyim, " and thou shalt make ;" kah pish neemunumwog 
gold, " and they shall take gold f kah pish kupponamunash, 
" and thou shalt put." Exod. xxviii. 2, 5, 12. In the Delaware, 
the future is designated by the termination tsch ; as in n'yomsi, 
" I go ;" future, n'pomsitsch, " I shall or will go." In the neg- 
ative form, this termination is sometimes attached to the conjunc- 
tion not ; as mattatsch tfdawi, " I shall not go," for matta 
n'dawitsch. This is one of the elegancies of the language ; very 
different, however, from any thing that we have seen or heard of 
in the idioms of the old world. 



XXIV 

We must not expect, in these languages, to find any thing like 
the Greek aorists, or those nice distinctions of time and its 
different periods in relation to each other, which are found in 
the learned tongues. The varieties of the Indian verbs are ap- 
plied to other objects. I do not mean to speak, however, of the 
Mexican languages, in which the verbs are conjugated through 
all the forms, moods and tenses of the Latin. There you find 
the imperfect, preterite, pluperfect and even the gerunds in di, do, 
dvm, and the supine.* I have observed elsewhere, that those who 
write Indian grammars strive too much to assimilate the forms of 
those languages to their own or to the Latin, whereas they have a 
grammar peculiar to themselves, which ought to be studied and ex- 
plained. The curious and not very natural coincidence, which the 
Spanish grammarians have almost generally found between the 
Latin forms and those of the languages of their Indians, inclines 
me to suspect the accurary of those writers. It is, nevertheless, 
evident, that the southern idioms have more tenses in their verbs, 
or forms of conjugation in relation to time, than those of the more 
northern tribes ; in which latter I have only, as yet, been able to 
discover the present, past and future. 

I observed, in my Report to the Historical Committee on the 
subject of the Indian languages, (Hist. Trans, p. xl.) that it 
appeared to me, that they were geperally destitute of- the aux- 
iliary verbs to be and to have ; whibh I shewed to be the case 
not only in our own northern, but in the Mexican and Othomi 
idioms. I added, on the authority of Father Zenteno, that the 
Mexicans could not translate into their language the sublime 
sentence, "I am that I am." Exod. iii. 14. In this sentiment 
I am confirmed, at least as far as concerns the Wapanachki lan- 
guages, by our venerable author, who expressly says, in page 
15 of his Grammar, "We" (the Massachusetts) "have no com- 
pleat distinct word for the Kerb Substantive, as other, learned 
Languages, and our English Tongue have ; but it is under a 
regular composition, whereby many words are made Verb Sub- 
stantive." 

This curious fact early attracted the notice of the Honourable 
Judge Davis, of Boston, who, in a letter to me of the 26ih of 

* In Basalenque's Tarascan Grammar, pages 33 and 34, under the verb 
pani, " to carry," (llevar,) are the following paradigms : 

Gerund in di, Paquaro esti — tiempo de llevar. 

in do, Paparin — llevanda. 

in dum, Pani-nirahaca— voy a, llevar. 

Supine in urn, Hichen himb6 esca pani — a me me combiene llevar. 

in u, Paquanhaxeti — cosa digna de ser llevada. 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXV 

March, 1819, suggested some doubts upon the subject ; and this 
circumstance led to a correspondence with the Rev. Mr. Hecke- 
welder and the Rev. Mr. Dencke, which I think sufficiently inter- 
esting to warrant the insertion of some extracts from their commu- 
nications in this place. 

I shall extract, in the first place, from Judge Davis's letter, who 
wrote as follows : 

" At present I will only suggest a difficulty, which occurs in re- 
lation to a remark in page xl. of your Report concerning the sub- 
stantive verb to be, in the American languages. I have a manu- 
script Vocabulary of the language of the Southern or Old Colony 
Indians of Massachusetts, (compiled by Josiah Cotton, Esq. mis- 
sionary to those Indians early in the last century,) in which the 
verbs to be and to have are expressed in a variety of modifications. 
I have only room for the infinitive moods of these verbs, and the 
indicative mood, present tense, with numbers and persons : 

*; Ainneat, to be. 

* Nennont, I am. Nenauunyeu, we are.* 
Kennont, thou art. Kenauna, you are. 
Nohne, he is. Ndgna, they are. 

1 ahtounnat, to have. 

* Nummahche, I have. Nenauun nummahche, we have. 
Kummahche, thou hast. Kenau kummahche, you have. 
Noh mahche, he has. Nag mahche, they have.' 

"In Eliot's Bible, the sublime passage (Exod. iii. 14.) / am 
that I am, is thus translated : Nen nuttinniin nen nuttinniin. 
Galatians iv. 12, / am as ye are, is thus rendered : Nen neyane 
kenaau. How is the first of these expressions to be grammat- 
ically resolved, if there be no substantive verb in the language ? 
The last quotation is elliptical in the Greek xdyo) ois vuus • 
and so it is in the Indian, which, literally, would be, / as you. 

Nen I take to be a pronoun, and so is kenaau I find, in 

A. Fabre's Grammar of the Chili Language, the following sen- 
tence : ' Los nombres abstractos, como bondad, blancura, he. 
se hacen posponiendo el verbo sum, es, est, a los adjetivos 6 sub- 

* The original MS. of Cotton has here Kenauun yeu ; which, agreeably 
to Mr. Du Ponceau's opinion, (in his remarks on the Pronouns,) was the 
general plural ; nenaun yeu being the particular or limited plural. — Editor. 

VOL. IX. 44 



XXVI 

stantivos.''— Molina, I believe, has a similar remark ; but the doc- 
trine is not so distinctly announced as by Fabres, to whom Molina 
appears to have been principally indebted for his observations on 
the language of Chili. — Jean de haet also gives us the substantive 
verb in the Brazilian language ; aico, je suis, ereico, tu es, oico, 
il est oroico, nous sommes, peico, vous estes, aurae oico, Us sont. 
In the third person plural, only, the pronoun is prefixed ; whereas, 
in the example from Cotton's MS. (whose Vocabulary, I find, has 
generally a close correspondence with the Natick,) we notice the 
pronouns throughout. On this subject of the substantive verb, and 
especially of its application in the admirable language of Chili, I 
had some floating ideas, which I had digested into a sort of theory. 
Schemes of thought are not always readily abandoned ; but I find 
mine not a little disturbed by the remark in that part of your dis- 
cussion. I may hereafter communicate to you the views to which 
I refer." Judge Davis adds, in a Postscript to his letter, the fol- 
lowing remark : " Eliot often expresses lam by the word nen alone ; 
but is it not because the phrase is often elliptical in the Greek ? In 
John viii. 58, ' Before Abraham was I am' is thus rendered : JVe- 
gonne onk Abrahamwi nutapip. The expression there is not 
elliptical in the original ; the word nutapip I consider as corres- 
ponding to iyoo ii'fli, though I am not able to trace its origin." 

This doubt, suggested from so respectable a quarter, and sup- 
ported, besides, with so much learning- and ingenuity, made me 
distrust my own opinion, and led me to inquire further into the 
matter. Still I could not help believing, as I am yet inclined to 
think, that the want of the substantive verb was ageneralrule in the 
Indian languages. I knew too well the inclination of grammarians 
to assimilate those idioms to their own, to be shaken by paradigms, 
in which the verb sto, for instance, might be translated by sum or 
I am, for want of sufficient attention to the shade of difference be- 
tween them; but the words Nen nuttiniin nen nuttiniin, by which 
our author had rendered J am that I am in his translation of the 
Bible, though they might not have the precise meaning of the 
original text, must yet mean something ; and I was curious to know 
by what analogous mode of expression the venerable apostle had 
got out of this immense difficulty, when he himself had told his 
readers, that there was " no compleat distinct word for the Verb 
Substantive" in the language.* I therefore determined to con- 
sult my oracle, Mr. Heckewelder, from whom I speedily re- 



* Grammar, p. 15. 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. xxvii 

ceived an answer, of which I shall here communicate some 
extracts : 



" 8th April, 1819. 

" I cannot believe, that any of the tribes connected with the 
Lenni Lenape can translate into their language the words / am 
that lam, so as to come up to the same meaning. The late David 
Zeisberger and myself sought many years in vain for this substan- 
tive verb. We had the best chapel interpreters, I may say orators, 
some of whom were not at a loss to interpret critically almost all 
scripture passages and expressions ; yet with regard to the one in 
question, they never came up to the meaning, but made use of the 
best substitute they could ; for instance : I abtschi gutteli n'dellsin, 
' I always act the same ;' elsia natsch abtschi n'dellsin, ' so as I do, 
I shall always do,' or ' I shall always act the same ;' or again, elin- 
axia abtschitsch ri'dtllinaxin, ' as I appear, [am to appearance,) I 
shall always be.' I cannot find a single instance in the language, 
in which the verb I am is used by itself, that is to say, uncombined 
with the idea of the act about to be done." 

" You have, no doubt, observed, in my Historical Account, page 
232, that the Indian striking his breast, says with conscious pride, 
I am a man. This he expressess by the words Lenno n'hackey ; 
literally, my body is a man (or, ' I am a man body' in the sense 
that we say, She is a clever body, a young, a handsome body.) I 
might then translate f I am that I am,' by n'hackey iabtschi n'hackey, 
' my body (is) always my body.' — This word n'hackey, with the 
Indians, is a most expressive word. In the Indian song, of which 
I have given a translation, [Hist. Trans, p. 204,) the sentence at 
the beginning, O poor me ! is expressed in Indian by Wo gettemaki 
n'hackey ! ' O poor my body !' &tc. 

" All I can say, at present, of Eliot's translation of ' I am that I 
am' by JVen nutinniin nen nuttiniin is, that it can never be a 
literal translation of the text. The passage in Galatians iv. 12, 
' I am as ye are, which Eliot translates by JVen neynne kenaau, I 
presume means, [ I look like you, we are alike, or we look like one 
another. 1 suppose a Delaware translate^ would say, Elinaxiyek, 
nepe n'delinaxin ; that is, 'as ye are, so I am also;' but this is 
always said in the sense of personal appearance, shape, face, coun- 
tenance, size, he. He might have said, also, n'gutti ktellinaxihhena, 
1 we look alike,' ' we look one,' or, n'gutteli k'delsihhena, ' we do, 
act, alike ;' or, lastly, ni n'dellsin elsiyek, ' I do as ye do,' &c." 



XXViii NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

In the same letter Mr. Heckewelder enclosed to me a copy of 
one he had received from the Rev. Mr. Deneke, of Lititz, to whom 
he had written on the same subject. I trust I shall be excused for 
translating here some extracts from this letter also, which is written 
in German : 

" I have never known," says Mr. Dencke, " the verb to be to 
exist, either in the Delaware or Chippeway language, and I can 
find nothing in those idioms that expresses it literally. The near- 
est to it is (in the Delaware) ni rfdellsin elsia, ' as I do.' The 
pronoun ni is duplicated to strengthen the expression of the idea 
of the first person of the verb ; elsia is contracted from elgiqui, 
' as,' and lissia, • as I do,' (da ich thue.) Out of this pronoun hi, 
or nen, perhaps, a new verb might be framed, which, I am inclined 
to think, Mr. Eliot has done in the Natick. This was easy to be 
done ; but such a word is not genuine Indian. I have been, in 
vain, trying to understand the meaning of Nen nuttinniin nen nut- 
tinniin, which appears to be the same sentence twice repeated, but 
have not been able to succeed ." 

" Ni n'delinaxin elinaxia, l as I appear so I am,' (Ich bin dem 
so gleich, so wie ich bin.) But this is not answering Mr. Du Pon- 
ceau's question. I should probably express ' I am as ye are,' by 
Ni rtdellsin elsiyeek; and I do not think that there is any thing 
that comes nearer to it. 

" I think we must remain where we are ; agreeing, however, 
upon this point, that in the Indian languages that we are acquainted 
with, ' I am that I am 1 cannot be literally expressed, but a sub- 
stitute must be employed," he. 

In a Postscript, which follows the copy of Mr. Dencke's letter, 
Mr. Heckewelder concludes, that if Nen nuttinniin nen nuttinniin 
means any thing, it must be either " I am a man, I am a man," or, 
" I do so, I do so." 

After much consideration and study of the subject, I incline 
much to the opinion, that Mr. Heckewelder is right in his last con- 
jecture ; and, as it appears to be full time to put an end to these 
Notes, and the remaining parts of speech suggest no interesting ob- 
servations, I shall conclude with stating the grounds upon which 
this conjecture is founded. 

It appears to me, in the first place, that the Massachusetts 
verb nuttinniin is the same with the Delaware verb rCdellsin, 
1 1 do or act,' which the Germans not unfrequently spell n'tellsin, 
confounding the t with the d, because their ears do not suffi- 
ciently distinguish between the two sounds. Now the first sylla- 
ble of nuttinniin, ' nut,' in which the short u is employed to ex- 
press the interval or sheva between the two consonants, is the same 
with the Delaware n'd or nH ; the middle syllable tin is the Dela- 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXix 

ware tel or del, changing e into i and / into n ; in is the termina- 
tion of the verbal form in the Massachusetts, which in this word is 
the same as in the Delaware ; and nen is the duplication of the 
personal pronoun, for the sake of greater energy, as Mr. Dencke 
has very properly observed. 

This etymological deduction would not prove much, without 
shewing that the verb nuttinniin means " to do or act" in the 
Massachusetts, as rtdellsin does in the Delaware. This, I think, 
can be done by recurring to examples in our author's transla- 
tion of the Bible. For instance : To kittinheh, "What is it that 
thou has done unto me?" Gen. xii. 8. To means "what;" kit- 
tinheh is probably the interrogative form of the verb nuttinniin, or 
nHinniin, k't, kut, or kit, being the affix form of the second per- 
son, which the letter k represents in the Massachusetts as well as in 
the Delaware. To kutussem? " What hast thou done ?" Gen. iv. 
10. Here the verb is employed in another form, not being com- 
bined with the idea of to me, which appears expressed in the 
former word by the n, descriptive of the first person. This is, 
however, but my humble conjecture, which I offer with great 
diffidence, after the question has been given up by those who are 
much more skilled than I am in the Indian languages ; of which 
I profess to know nothing except the little I have acquired in 
the solitude of the closet. 

I have only to add a remark respecting the verb nutapip, 
which, as Judge Davis observes, (in the Postcript to his letter,) 
is used for J am, in Eliot's Bible : " Before Abraham was, 1 
AM — Negonne onk Abrahamwi nutapip. John viii. 58." At the 
time when Judge Davis wrote to me, I could not explain the 
meaning of nutapip ; but I am now 7 able to do it. N'dappin is 
a Delaware verb, which signifies to be (in a particular place) 
stare ; the preterite is n'dappineep, stabam, hie stabam. There 
can be no doubt but Eliot's nutapip, that is to say, nhapip or 
Wdapip, is a contraction of the Delaware rtdappineep, and means, 
J was, there. 



XXX NOTES ON ELIOT's INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



Supplementary Observations. By the Editor. 

AFTER the Notes and Observations of Mr. Du Ponceau had 
been delivered to the printer, I employed the few leisure moments, 
which I could command, in considering some of the points dis- 
cussed in them ; and in the course of my inquiries some unex- 
pected facts came under my notice. These suggested reflections, 
which led to a further correspondence between Mr. Du Ponceau 
and Mr. Heckewelder ; and as this correspondence throws much 
light upon the structure of the Indian Languages, I have thought it 
would be useful to state in this place some of the facts, to which 
I have alluded, together with the substance of their additional re- 
marks upon them. 



7. On the Verb To be» 



It will be recollected, that in conformity with what has been 
observed in modern times, by Dr. Edwards in the Mohegan lan- 
guage and by Mr. Zeisberger and Mr. Heckewelder in the Del- 
aware, the author of the present Grammar had said a century and 
a half ago of the Massachusetts language — " We have no compleat 
distinct word for the Verb Substantive, as other, learned langua- 
ges, and our English tongue have ; but it is under a regular com- 
position, whereby many words are made verb substantive ;" which 
kind of " composition," he adds, takes place in nouns, adnouns, 
adverbs, or the like. 

Notwithstanding this emphatick observation, however, the vene- 
rable author, in his version of the Scriptures, had repeatedly found 
occasion to translate the verb to be, and accordingly often at- 
tempted to render it by some equivalent Indian word ; a striking 
instance of which is to be found in the passage already brought 
under discussion in the preceding Notes : I am that I am, " Nen 
nuttinniin nen [or ne] nuttiniin."* This circumstance led me to 
examine some of the passages, in which the verb to be occurred in 

* Eliot's first edition has nen nuttinniin ne nuttinniin ; but the second has 
nen in both places. This difference will not affect the reasoning respecting 
the substantive verb, but will only make a difference in the grammatical 
analysis of the sentence. 



XXXI 

the English version of the Bible ; and I soon found, that Eliot ap- 
peared to have been driven to the necessity of resorting to Indian 
words, apparently very different from each other. For one ex- 
ample of this we need not go beyond the very text above cited ; 
where, though in the first part of the verse he employs the ex-, 
pression Men nuttiniin for I am, yet, in the latter part, he uses 
the words JVen ukoh : I am hath sent me unto you — " Ken ukoh 
anooteamwe nuttanoonuk en kuhhogkaoont." In other parts of his 
version he uses various other forms of expression for the different 
tenses of the English verb ; as will be seen in the following ex- 
amples : 

Gen. iii. 9. Where art thou? Toh kutapint 

v. 24. And he was not. Kah mattah na wutapein. 

xviii. 24. For the fifty ) Newutche napannatahshinchag- 

righteous that are there- > odtog sampwesecheg na apit- 

in. ) cheg. 

Exod. viii. 21. And also the ) ir , , , • » 44 > 4 

, . , \ Kah wame ohkeit ne aphettit. 

ground whereon they are. ) * 

xx. 21. Where God > 

was. 

1 Sam. xix. 3. Where thou 



> Ne God apit. 



Uttoh apean. 



I Kings xxii. 4. I am as thou ) AT , , , 

b > Nen netatuppe ken. 

> Uttoh kutapineas c l 



Job xxxviii. 4. Where wast 

thou ? 
Psalm xxxvii. 36. And lo he , Rah kusseh mm oUm ^ 

was not. ) 

Isa. xxiii. 13. This people } Yeug missinninnuog matta ap- 

was not, till the Assyrian, > pupaneg noh pajeh Assyri- 

&ic. ) ansog, he. 

John viii. 58. Before Abra- 



ham was I am. 



> Negonne Abrahamwi, nutapip. 



Rev. i. 4 8 & iv. 8 From V Wu(ch noh no[] ^ mh ^ mA 

him which is, and which > , , 

i , . , ' ( noh paont. 

was and which is to come. ) ft 

•• o rriu u .u . > Puppinashimwoh, noh mo, kat 

~ — xvn. 8. Ihe beast that f \K , \ , 

, . , . > noh matta, kah noh yeuyei 

was and is not and yet is. ( J J 

J ) apit. 



In many other places, however, the author uses some form of 
the word nuttiniin : 



XXX11 

Gen. xxxi. 40. Thus I wasj^^ ... .. , , , 

j. , .1 , I leu mo nuttinann, kesukodaeu 
m the day the drought , ,* ( ,., , , 

j j a. fl-> kusittau nuttonauushik, kah 

consumed me and the irost ; ■ , 

, . i toohpu nukonaeu. 

xxxi. 41. Thus I have ) v ... .. , , , 

i -a. f * eu nuttmaiin neesnechage kod- 

been twenty years in thy > , , . ° 

, ? J J ( tumwae kekit. 

house. ) 

This apparent diversity in the modes of expressing the same idea 
excited my curiosity. It was manifest that the venerable author 
had experienced a difficulty in finding, what he calls in his Gram- 
mar, a " complete" verb substantive ; and that he had been obliged 
to content himself with words which only approximated to the strict 
signification of that verb. I therefore endeavoured to ascertain the 
precise import of the words, which he thus appeared to have used 
as substitutes for it. With this view 1 began to read Cotton's 
English and Indian Vocabulary, (the MS. mentioned in the In- 
troductory Observations to the present Grammar, from which the 
Hon. Judge Davis had extracted the example of the verb to be, 
that had given rise to the discussion in Mr. Du Ponceau's Notes.* 
In the course of my reading, I soon met wfth the verb nuttiniin, 
used by Eliot, in Exod iii. 14. But I was not a little surprised at 
the same time to find, that Cotton transjji^4*it, not by our verb 
to be, but by the verb to become. He gives it in this form : 

" I am become nuttinni. 

We are become, yumun. 

To become, unniinat." 



This discovery now led me to examine Eliot's Bible for texts 
where the verb to become occurred ; in order to see how far 
Eliot agreed with Cotton, in rendering that English verb ; and 
I found, that he also had rendered it sometimes by nuttinniin, 
the very word, which he had in other places used for the verb 
to be. 

Upon returning to my examination of Cotton's Vocabulary, 
I soon met with another of Eliot's substitutes for the verb to 
be — the word nutapip, which occurs in this text : Befof? 
Abraham was I am — " Negonne onk Abrahamwi nutapip." 
John viii. 58. But here again I found that Cotton had affixed 

* Seepage xxv. of the Notes. 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXXiii 

to the Indian word a different idea from that which Eliot seemed 
to have done ; for Cotton explained nutapip by our verb to be 
able, in different modes and tenses as follows : 



"lam able, nuttappinum. 

Thou art able, ken kuttappinum. 

He is able, nagum tappinnum. 

We are able, nuttappinnumumun. 

Ye are able, kuttappinnumumwoo. 

They are able, nag tappinumwog, &tc. 

I was able, . nuttappinumup. 

Thou wast able, . . . . ; kuttappinumup. 

Be thou able, ken lapinish. 

Let him be able, noh tapinetch. 

Let us be able, tapinumuttuh. 

Be ye able, tapinnum56k. 

Let them be able, tapinnumhittitch. 

At thou able ? sun kuttapinnum ? 

To be able, tapinumunat." 



As I had discovered, these various explanations of the Indian 
words in question, in*the* same manuscript where the Hon. Judge 
Davis had found the supposed substantive verb {ainneat) which 
had given occasion to the discussion in the preceding Notes, I 
communicated to Mr. Du Ponceau the facts, which had thus fallen 
under my observation, and referred him to several texts of Eliot's 
Bible, where the words in question occurred ; requesting him, at 
the same time, to favour me with his reflections on the subject; for 
whether Cotton was right in translating nuttinniin by become, while 
Eliot had rendered it by our verb to be, was a point which my own 
acquaintance with the language did not enable me to determine. 

Mr. Du Ponceau, in his reply to my letter, (after observing, that 
" perhaps Cotton could find no better word for become") says — 
" But if the word means strictly and precisely become, how can it 
mean to be in the text, I am that I ami' Eliot's translation would 
then be — 1 become, I become. This is still farther from the meaning 
©f his text than the Delaware n'dellsin, I am so.* If I may indulge 
a conjecture, I should say, that the Wapanachki had no proper word 

* See Mr. Du Ponceau's Notes, p. xxviii. 
vol. ix. 45 



XXxiv NOTES ON ELIOT 5 S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

for either be or become, and have perhaps used the same approxi- 
mation in both cases. In general, it appears to me, that the idea 
of 'existence is never presented singly in any Indian word, but always 
coupled with some accessary idea, which connects the word with 
what is to follow. Thus, if they meant to say I have now become 
good, they would probably say, I am now so that 1 am good, or use 
a word implying or leading to that compound idea. It is true, the 
relation back to what I formerly was, does not here appear ; and 
there lies the difficulty." Mr. Du Ponceau, however, without ex- 
pressing a settled opinion of his own, consulted Mr. Heckewelder, 
and has obligingly furnished me with their correspondence ; the 
substance of which I cannot communicate to the reader in a more 
useful and interesting form than their own language. 

In the first letter which Mr. Du Ponceau wrote to Mr. Hecke- 
welder (Oct. 8, 1821) he made the following inquiries: " I wish 
to know how you express the word become in Delaware, as thus: 1 
was once bad, I have now become good; and these Scriptural 
phrases : 



The man is become as one oj; us. Gen. iii. 22. 

What will become of his dreams'? Gen. xxxvii. 20. 

What is become of him? Exod. xxxii. 1. 

To them gave he power to become the sons of God. John i. 12. 



" In the Natick, (or Massachusetts,) Eliot expresses this word by 
nuttinniin, the same which he uses for lam that I am. I think this 
word is derived from the Delaware n'dellsin, nHellsin, changing the 
I into n, which is very frequent among Indians. If the Delawares 
use n'dellsin for become, it will confirm me in my opinion. 

" Tn the short History of the Bible, at the end of Zeisberger's 
Spelling Book, it seems to me I have found the word become ex- 
pressed by n'dellsin. See page 127, line 10 — That they would 
become too powerful. It seems to me that the word wtellitsch, in 
the translation, is meant to express become. See also page 136, line 
9 — wtellitsch sokenapalan. Does not this mean, should be, or be- 
come baptized ? You will find the word become in several other 
parts of Zeisberger's History of the Bible ; as, for instance, pages 
119 and 120, third paragraph — become confirmed; page 123, second 
line from the bottom — become universal. In these phrases I do not 
find n'dellsin, nor indeed any word to express become; which seems 
in the Delaware to be understood." 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXXV 

To these inquiries, Mr. Heckewelder replied in two different 
letters. In his first (in consequence of being requested to return 
an immediate answer) he merely gives a translation in Delaware of 
the English phrases proposed, without any comment or grammatical 
explanation, as follows : 



1. To become. 

Allumilissin — ehin. 

2. I was once bad, I have now become good. 

JVemomachtschilissihump, schukmetschi rtnolilissi.* 

3. The man is become as one of us. 

JYa lenno lussu, elsiyenk. 

4. What will become of his dreams ? 

Ta hatsch Uke eecfidelungwamoagana untschi? or, koecu 
hatsch w'delungwamoagana untschi 9 what benefit will 
he derive from his dreams ?f , . " 

5. What is become of him? 

Ta eli achpit? (where is he?) or, ta vchtenden? how is 
he ? what is he about? or, ta Uke hockeyal, how does it 
look about him ? (Germ. Wie sieht es urn ihn aus?) 



6. To them gave he power to become the sons of God. 
Milap nikik allewussowoagan wentschitsch gask wequi- 
semuxit na-Gettanittowit ; or, milap nekik wdallewus- 
soagan wentschitschgaski getannellowitall quisemaouna.' 



Mr. Hecke welder's second letter (of Oct. 13) contains a minute 
consideration of the. word become, with an explanation of the true 
import of the different words by which it is expressed in the Dela- 
ware language ; and the whole letter is so interesting, and throws. 



* "Machtschi, bad ; schuk, but ; metschi, ready, already ; ohhs, good, (from 
wulit.) P. S. D." 

f "Nane leketsch; amen, so be it, so may it happen , koecu, what, some- 
thing. P. S. D." 






XXXVI 

so much light upon the structure of the Indian languages, that I am 
unwilling to abridge it. He writes as follows : 

" By your two letters of the 8th and 9th of October, I discover 
that my first answer to your questions had not reached you. In 
that I attempted to translate the Scripture passages quoted by you, 
for the purpose of discovering what word the Delawares have for 
our word become, or to become ; the German word for it being 
werden. 

" I have since also given the quotations from Scripture, contained 
in your last letters, due consideration, but cannot discover around 
of word in the Delaware language, that would answer generally to 
the English word become, or the German werden ; neither do I be- 
lieve there is such a word in their language. Yet they are never at 
a loss to convey the sense or meaning of this word by means of 
syllables from two or more words joined together ; and, indeed, 
often the termination of a word is sufficient for that purpose. The 
word allemi, which implies something progressing, advancing,. to- 
wards a close, going on, he, is with them joined (generally pre- 
fixed) to a word which is expressive of the object it is progressing 
to : Thus, a/ZemiKEN (to ripen) contains the meaning of the two 
words, allemi gischiken, which, when separated, are lengthened out 
as here written'; tepiken (Zeisb. p. 37) being the general word for 
any thing that bears fruit or grain, when or being ripe, full-grown, 
he. Again : the word allemilek implies a prediction, or any thing 
expected, progressing towards the point, or towards establishing the 
fact; as for instance, when I say — metschi allemilek endchen 
ndelloweneep, it is the same as saying, all that I had said (or fore- 
told) is now coming to pass. 

" In this way the word become is, in a manner, interwoven in the 
words of their language ; and by examining the passages you quote 
from Zeisberger's Translation, it will be found so. As, in his His- 
tory of the Bible, p. 1 19, third paragraph, for the "English word 
increase, or, that they increased, he has the word allemikenewo, 
from the word allemi gischiken (the termination ewo signifying they) 
that is, they became more numerous.* At pages 126 — 7, where 
you take the word wtellitchxo express become, which word, however, 
has a different signification) Zeisberger says — ahanhocqui gischiga- 
pannik ; which words imply an additional or extraordinary in- 
crease, which had taken place in Egypt, &c. ; and for the words — 



* " The word gischiken is also applicable to the birth of an infant- -sound 
born. J. H." 



xxxvn 

the king became apprehensive, Zeisberger has — wentschi Sakima 
nechasop* wtellitsch wsami m'chelhittin, woak allowiwunan — which 
is — therefore the King became fearful, that by means of this increase 
they might finally be too powerful for them: Here sop answers for 
jealous. 

" The passage wtelhlsch Sokenapa/aw, which you quote from 
page 136, line 9 — nil milapanil Mouchsowoagan wentschitsch un- 
damemensichtit Getannittowittink is translated from the German text, 
which reads thus : Denen gab er macht kinder Gottes zu werden. 
John* i. 12. The words kinder zu werden (in English to become 
<$Mdren) are expressed in the Indian word undamemensichtit; in 
which the two last syllables ichtit express the words to become ; 
( Germ, werden ;) so that the two last words, undamemensichtit 
Getannittowitink, taken together, clearly imply to become children 
of God. 

" The next passage you quote, (from page 108, and which you 
find in Matt, xviii. 3.) 



Mattatsch gluppiw£que, woak mattatsch amemensuwiweque, 
(Eng, If not you turn back, and , if not as children ye become,) 
(Germ. Wo nicht ihr umkehret, und wo nicht als die kinder ihr werdet,) 



is as clearly set forth in their language as in either of ours ; the 
word become [Germ, werden) being incorporated in the last word, 
or expressed by the last syllables wiweque. The word wentschi for 
therefore, (in German, darum,) Zeisb. p. 17, with the tsch at the 
end of it, points or directs to something that is to take place in 
future ; it implies as much as to say in German — damit esgeschehen 
m'dge. The reason for my going there is also expressed by them 
thus — wentschitsch na ayane. 

" Thus there are many Indian words, which, though necessary 
in explaining a thing, do not effect it without an additional word. 
For example, the word anenawi would be, in German, endlich, and 
in English, at last, finally, he. Now, by adding the syllable itsch 
to it, so as to make it anenawitsch, it directs you forward, to some- 
thing that is yet to take place, which is generally set forth in the 
next following word or words ; as anenawitsch knemeneen Menach- 



*" For nechdsin and nechasil; see Zeisb. p. 30. Nechasop, in the text, 
stands for jealous, fearful, &c. J. H." 



xxxviii notes on eliot's Indian grammar. 

king, that is, in German, endlich werden wie dock Pittsburg sehen 
— -finally, or at last, we shall see Pittsburg, or (as is properly- 
meant) arrive at Pittsburg ; the last word in this Indian expres- 
sion being their name for that place. But I may also say — auwiewi 
knementsch Menachking, finally we shall see (or arrive at) 
Pittsburg." 

These observations of Mr. Heckewelder will be rendered still 
more useful to the student, by the following additional explanations, 
which were communicated in a subsequent letter to Mr. Du Pon- 
ceau. Mr. H. says — 

" The structure of the Indian languages is, as you observe, 
truly wonderful I once believed myself competent to under- 
stand every word they used ; and I can still plainly see the ne- 
cessity of every syllable in a word, by which to explain themselves 
properly. Not being able, however, to answer your questions 
intelligibly, otherwise than by examples, setting forth words and 
phrases, which will lead to the required solution, I shall adopt that- 
method. 

" Thus with regard to the syllable und. 1 begin with the word 
unden, Zeisb. p. 16. This (says Z.) is to take from, which so 
far is correct ; for, if an Indian becomes possessed of an article 
not seen with him before, he will be asked — " ta gunden ?* where 
did you get it ? or how did you come by it ?" for the word unden 
of itself instructs us, that the article was obtained at some place, 
or came to hand through or from some source. As, Zeisberger, 
p. 67 — undenummen, to take it from, or, more properly, to have' 
obtained it (es bekommen) — wundenasik, where it is to be got 
from (Zeisb. p. 72) points to a certain place where the article was 
obtained or may be had. 

" When the syllable und or wend is prefixed, in a spiritual 
sense, it applies to favours, gifts, &c, not to things purchased, 
or on which a price is set. Thus wendenuxowoagan, reception, 
admittance. Zeisb. 111. — undoochwenall, he came for their 
sake. Zeisb. 67. — "Christ undoochwenep getemaocitschit" is, 
Christ came for the purpose of (saving or relieving) the poor, 
or needy. WENDaptonachga, of, or from the word. Zeisb. 95. 
— Christ wundaptonalgun, Christ (by or through his word) speaks 
unto us (that is, we do not ourselves hear him speak, yet what he 
says is directed to us) from his place of abode ; unden Christink> 



* In this word gunden, and some others, Mr. Heckewelder seems (accord- 
ing to the practice of German writers) to use the letter g- fotjc; this latter 
being the usual prefix to denote the second person. *\ 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. XXXix 

it proceedeth or cometh from him ; uxDamemensemichtit, through 

or by to become, &ic. 

"I. can go no further in explaining the syllable und (from 
unden) than to add, that when used in a temporal sense, it im- 
plies to get or have gotten, procured, or purchased such a thing 
or article from the place or person at the time named. In a 
spiritual sense, it is applied to a thing obtained by free will or 
through grace — to be admitted, received, be, or become a par- 
taker, he. of, in, or to whatever one or the other of the connected 
words indicates. 

" Wentschi is simply therefore (Germ, darum, um desswillen.) 
" Wentschitsch is thereby (Germ, dadurch) and directs to the 
future.. 

"We have no such words as nentschi, kentschi, in the language. 
The letter w, in wentschi, does not point to the third person, but is 
necessary to distinguish that word from untschi, from, of, (Zeisb. 
16.) which, being a general word, is frequently either wholly or 
partly incorporated in other words ; as, for instance : Ta unt- 
schiey — where does it come from ? Nik lennowak wemi utenink 
VNTsemjeyih — those men are all come from the city. 

" NuNTscmAiZZft uteney — I came, with speed, from the city. 
Kuntschihilla uteney — are you come, with speed, from the city? 
Untschihilleu uteney — he came, speedily, from the city or town. 
Kuntschihillahummo uteney — are you all come from the city or 
town ?"* 

To these remarks should be added a brief explanation of the 
terminations muxit and sichtit, which occur in some of the preced- 
ing examples : 

"Tn looking over your letter (says Mr. H.) after I had written 
this, I find that I had not sufficiently explained the terminations 
muxit and sichtit. Please to turn to Zeisberger's Spelling 
Book, page 104, for tbe word machelemuxowoahan, honour; 
p. 82, for the word MACHELEMUxrr,f he that is honoured ; 
and p. 52, for machelendam, to honour, he. Now machelemau 
or MACHELEMiE is, honour him, he. ; machelemux?cM£, may 
be or become honoured. Now it will be understood as ex- 



* "The syllables hilla (taken from the word schihilla, quickly, speedily,) 
added to the word untschi, make the compound untschihilla, and denote 
either quick running or riding. J. H." 

f " It is all thf same whether I write this word muxsit or mucksit : I have 
seen the word maxen (shoes) written mocksen, &c. J. H." 



Xl • NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 

actly the same thing, whether I say wentschi machelemux- 
ichtitetsch, or wENTsemtec/i, machelemuxicM^ to become hon- 
oured. The same thing takes place in the word und-amemen- 
sichtit ; ihe future, to be made, become, in the first words, is in 
the termination ichtitetsch ; in the last, it is partly in the termina- 
tion of the word wentschitsch, and partly in the termination of the 
second word ichtit" 

I cannot omit adding here (from a letter of Mr. Du Ponceau) 
the following elucidation of the Indian method of expressing our 
verbs : 

" We are now (says he) upon the word become ; and Mr. 
Heckewelder has told us, that there is no proper word for it 
in the language of the Delawares, but yet that they are never 
at a loss for a method of conveying that idea. Let us see how 
they go about it. Mr. H. instances the words to become hon- 
oured ; in Delaware wentschi machelemuxichtitetsch, or (what is 
equivalent) wentschitsch machelemuxichtit. This may be passed as 
follows : 

" Wentschi (as explained in Mr. Heckewelder's letter) is there- 
fore ; wentschitch is thereby, and directs to the future. 

" Machelemuxichtit. In the Transactions of the Historical and 
Literary Committee, (p. 445 of Mr. Heckewelder's Correspond- 
ence,) we have the substantive machelemuxowoagan, honour, or 
the being honoured. The verb is machelendam (3dconjug.) to hon- 
our ; machelemuxit (particip.) he who is honoured; machelemux- 
ichtit (3d pers. plur. conditional, or conjunctive) if, or when 
they are honoured. Observe, that the phrase to be honoured 
is here taken in a plural sense — wentschimachelemuxichtitetsch 
or wentschitsch machelemuxichtit Tsch is the sign of the fu- 
ture; and it is a matter of indifference, says Mr. Heckewelder, 
whether it is suffixed to the preposition by it, or to the verb 
to be honoured; hence, the two modes of rendering the sen- 
tence. Thus "to become the children of God" is expressed 
in Zeisberger's Harmony, by " wentschitsch undamemensichtit 
Getannittowitink ;" wentschitsch, thereby in future, undamem- 
ensichtit, (from awemens, child,) to become the children. Here 
the word become is not at all used, but a compound verb, from 
the substantive child, expresses the idea ; as in the Latin 
word beatificari (a word formed much after the Indian manner) 
the syllable fi awakening in the mind the idea of fieri; but 
as there is no such word as fieri in the Indian (in the mere 
abstract sense) the same idea is differently expressed. Lastly ; 
Getannittowitink, of God*— ink or onk is a ■ termination of 



xli 

relation, and here expresses the genitive. See Zeisberger's 
Grammar : " Nihillalquonk Allogewoaganall, God's the Lords 
works." 

The preceding discussion respecting the verbs to be and to 
become, has been confined (as the reader will have observed) to 
two of the Indian languages only, the Delaware of the present 
day, arid the Massachusetts as spoken a century and a half 
ago. But since the correspondence of Mr. Heckewelder and 
Mr. Du Ponceau, 1 have been enabled to extend my inquiries 
on the present question to some other Indian dialects ; though 
not with the same minuteness and certainty as in the case of 
the Delaware language. For the information which I have 
obtained, I am indebted to the Rev. Herman Daggett, Super- 
intendent of the Foreign Missionary School, established at Corn- 
wall, in the State of Connecticut ; who, notwithstanding the pres- 
sure of ill health, was so obliging as to make particular inquiries 
for me on. this subject of the different Indian pupils under his care. 
In his letter to me, of the 22d of October, 1821, he says 

" I have, strictly speaking, but four Indian languages in my 
school ; the Choctaw, the Cherokee, the Muhhekunneau (or 
Stockbridge) and the Iroquois, including the Oneida, Tuscarora 
and Caughnewaga. The youth of these nations, or tribes, agree 
in saying, as far as I can make them understand the subject, that 
they have no substantive verb. Where we should say, 1 am here, 
they can only say, I here or 1 stand or live here. I have now but 
one Stockbridge lad ; he recognizes, in some measure, his own 
language in the few words you have given from Eliot, but appears 
to know nothing of the verb conjugated by Cotton* The word 
nuttinniin, he says, signifies always the same, without change ; and 
nutapip, I was born, or I born. 

" The attempts of the different youths at translating the given 
passages [of scripture] are not very satisfactory. Some of them 
have a word, or part of a word, which, they say, signifies am or 
was, in connexion; but they say it has not that meaning by itself 
Their translation, they say, is good Cherokee or good Choctaw, 
&c. ; but when I try to bring them to explain and analyze, they 
are at a loss I can plainly discover that there is a beautiful con- 
texture in their languages. "f 

* The words of Eliot here alluded to, were — Negonne onk Abrahamwi 
nutapip — John viii. 58 ; and the verb conjugated by Cotton was ainneat, 
which is given above, at p. xxv. As to the close affinity between the 
Muhheakunneau (Mohegan) and the Massachusetts, see above, Introductory 
Observations, p. 239. 

f For specimens of the Cherokee language, the reader is referred to Dr. 
Jarvis's Discourse on the Religion of the Indian Tribes of North America ; 
vol. ix. 46 



xlii 

From the whole of this investigation, then, it appears — 

1. That the observation made by Eliot, at the very early 
period when he wrote, that there was "no complete distinct word 
for the verb substantive" in the Massachusetts language, is very 
fully confirmed by what we find to be the case in the Delaware 
language ; which is the main stock of the Massachusetts and other 
northern dialects, and from which we may reason (in respect to 
general properties) to the derivative dialects, without much hazard 
of falling into any material errours. 

2. That the Massachusetts verb nuttinniin (or nHinniin, as it 
would now be written) which Eliot sometimes uses for our verb to 
be, and sometimes for become, is nothing more than an approxima- 
tion to the strict meaning of those English words. 

But the precise import of the Massachusetts verb nuttinniin 
does not yet appear so clearly as to leave no uncertainty upon the 
subject ; though it seems to have a close affinity with the Delaware 
verb ndellsin, and probably is (as Mr. Du Ponceau has above ob- 
served) the very corresponding verb in that kindred dialect. If, 
upon further investigation, this should prove to be the fact, beyond 
all doubt, then we shall need no other authority for the fundamen- 
tal idea of this verb, than that of Mr. Heckewelder, who informs 
us, that in the Delaware it is, I act so, I act for myself (in German, 
so bin ich gestellt.) Yet, until the identity of the two verbs is irj- 
controvertibly established, it may be allowable in an inquiry of this 
nature to offer even conjectures ; with the hope, that if such con- 
jectures should not be entirely well founded in themselves, they 
may be the means of exciting such further investigations, as may at 
last conduct us to the true solution of the problem. Under this 
impression, I shall submit one other view of the subject, which has 
occurred to me upon a fresh examination of Eliot's Grammar, and 
some other works relative to the dialects of our northern Indians. 
I offer it as a mere conjecture ; and I should not venture to do 
even that, if I had not obtained the approbation of Mr. Du Ponceau 
himself, who thinks this view not unworthy of being submitted to 
the reader. 

Eliot, in p. 23 of his Grammar, has the following curious re- 
mark : " There be also suppletive syllables of no signification but 
for ornament of the word, as tit, tin, tinne ; and these, in way of 
an elegancy, receive the affix, which belongeth to the noun or verb 
following, as nuttit, kuttit, wuttit, nuttin, kuttin, wuttin, nut- 
tinne, kuttinne, wuttinne.' 

During a very recent perusal of his Grammar, this remark at- 

the learned Notes of which contain much valuable information on the Lan- 
guages of the Indians. 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. xliii 

traded my notice ; and it immediately occurred to me that, pos- 
sibly, the suppletive syllable tinue might be a constituent part of the 
verb nuttinniin; in which case the verb itself would be simply 
nuttiin, or (as we should now write it) n'tiin. Pursuing the in- 
vestigation, upon this hypothesis, 1 found in Cotton's MS. Vocab- 
ulary several instances, in which the suppletive tin (as well as some 
of the other suppletives) appeared to be thus incorporated into 
different verbs with the affixes of the different persons, in confor- 
mity with Eliot's observation. This led me to continue my in- 
quiries for a verb of the form I have mentioned (n'tiin ; and I had 
the satisfaction at last of meeting with it in Roger Williams's Vo- 
cabulary of the Na?*aganset dialect ; which is now well known to 
be nearly the same language with the Massachusetts. In that Vo- 
cabulary, the verb in question occurs in the three following phrases ; 
in one of which, however, it is somewhat obscured by the author's 
very irregular orthography : 

" Yo ntiin I live here. 

Tou wutliin ? where lives he ? 

Tuckuttiin [tou kuttiin ?].... where keep you ?"* 

Now, if Eliot's verb nuttinniin is in fact the same with Wil- 
liams's verb n'tiin, the signification of it, as the reader perceives, 
is very different from that of the pure substantive verb ; some other 
idea being united with that of mere existence in the abstract. 
How far this analysis of the verb nuttinniin may be well founded, 
is submitted to the candid reader, with all that hesitation, which 
ought to be felt by one, who has no more knowledge of the Indian 
languages than I possess. 

Thus far the present remarks have been directed to the meaning 
of Eliot's verb nuttinniin ; and it now only remains, to ascertain 
the signification of his other substitutes for the " complete substan- 
tive verb," which occur in the texts above cited (p. xxxi.). The 
explanations of these last will take up the less time, as the remarks 
upon the former, in connexion with the general question, have been 
extended to so great a length. I shall give them in a very concise 
form, as they occur in Mr. Du Ponceau's letters to me. He 
says — 

" I have studied the problems, and think I have gone a great 
way towards solving them. 

* The English word keep seems to be here used by Williams, in the pro- 
vincial signification, which it has in some parts of New England at the present 
jday ; that is, in the sense of to stay, reside, or (as Williams says in the other 
two phrases) to live. See his Key, chap. i. in Massachusetts Histoiical Col- 
lections, vol. y. p. 80, 81. 



xliv 



" I. Rev. i. 4. From him which is, and which was, and which 
is to come — Wutch noh, noh koh, noh koh mo, noh paont. 

Wutch (Delaw. wentschi) from. 

Noh, he, him (Gram. p. 7.) used again for who or which. 

Koh. This word is embarrassing, because of the letter k, in- 
dicating the second person. I am unable at present to explain it 
in a manner perfectly satisfactory to myself. 

Noh paont. This is easily explained from the Delaware. In 
mat language, we find pahump, to come ; peu, he comes ; pewak, 
they come. Paont is undoubtedly an inflexion of the same verb. 
In Eliot's Grammar, p. 22. we find woi napehnont, O ! that it 
were; which literally is — O that it came (to pass.) 

Mo. That mo is a particle indicative of the past, I have little 
doubt ; as in Gen. xxxi. 40, above quoted : yeu mo nuttinnaiin 
— yetj, this, (used for thus) — mo, heretofore, nuttinnaiin, was 
so or so (from n'dellsin,) as stated in the notes before communi- 
cated. 

" If I am right thus far, then every thing is explained but koh, 
which I cannot yet sufficiently account for. 

"II. Rev. xvii. 8 and yet is — hah noh yeuyeu apit. 

Kah noh yeuyeu apit — and he, this this (yeu yeu, Gram. p. 
8.) is there ; apit (pronounced as epit in German) illic stat. Yeu 
duplicated, perhaps used for which. 

"III. Gen. v. 4 kah matta na wutapein. 

Na is an expletive which I cannot explain. 

Wutapein (Delaw. w'dappin, he is there.) See Zeisb. Dela- 
ware Grammar. 

" IV. Psalm xxxvii. 36., matta ohtano, was not. 

Ohtano is probably a form of the same verb, and means he 
was not there. Wdano, wHano, ohtano ; the o, u and oh are 
often used by Eliot for the Delaware w sibilant. For the same 
reason, we say, the Ottawas, Utawas, while their proper name is 
Wtawas, or Wtawas." 



II Numerals. 



Eliot, in his Grammar, gives as the numeral one, the word 
nequt only, corresponding to the Delaware n'gutti, and the Nara- 
ganset nquit. But in his Bible he uses also the word pasuk, 
corresponding to the Abnaki pezekou of Father Rale's dictionary, 
and the Naraganset pdwsuck of Roger Williams's Key. Now, in 



INDIAN GRAMMAR. xlv 

reading Cotton's valuable Vocabulary, the following curious dis- 
tinction, in the use of these two different numerals, attracted my 
notice : 

" Nequt, a thing that is past. 
Pasuk, a thing in being." 

I lost no time in communicating this distinction of Cotton's to 
Mr. Du Ponceau, with a wish that he would ascertain from Mr. 
Heckewelder, whether any thing of the kind was to be found in 
the Delaware language. This circumstance gave rise to the fol- 
lowing interesting observations on the Delaware numerals : 

"The Delawares (says Mr. H. in his first letter) have the fol- 
lowing words for one, viz : n'gutti, m'awat, mauchsu, and ma- 
jouchsu. The two first are generally made use of for what is in- 
animate ; the latter two, for what is animate. Paschuk is the true 
Mahicanni word for owe." 

In a subsequent letter, Mr. H. gives the following more copious 
explanation in respect to the Delaware numerals ; which serves at 
the same time to elucidate the curious structure of the Indian 
languages : 

" Not being quite satisfied with the partial answer I gave you 
in a hurry respecting the numeral owe, I will now expatiate more 
fully thereon ; first, pointing out what words the Delawares have 
in their language, equally necessary to be known, in addition to 
the one above quoted ; as much depends, in speaking their lan- 
guage, upon having each word in its . proper place ; for although 
the numeral tfgutti, for one, may be in a manner considered as 
the general word in this language for the number owe, (be the 
same animate or inanimate) yet it is not always the case. Indeed 
the first syllable of that word, n'gut, (/leave out always the pre- 
fixed n, there being no necessity for it, as it is only put there to 
explain the numeral ; as by saying " one single one") I say, that 
although this first syllable is very useful, and prefixed to a great 
number of compound words, all which tend to show that this syl- 
lable gut cannot be dispensed with, as will by and by be shown 
by examples ; yet, the latter syllable of the numeral, the ti, is not 
only in numerous cases useless, but would be even improper, if 
retained. Ex. The Indian name or word for a one-legged person, 
being gut-gat, is a compound of two words ; gut, from gutti, 
one, and gat, from wichgat, the leg: gutgatsu, he is one-legged, 
or has but one leg. Gutokenak is the word for one day ; guta- 
wican, one fathom (awican being the word for one fathom, or six 
feet ;) gut-tap achki, one hundred, &c. Generally speaking, the 



xlvi 

Indians are very nice in the selecting of words. I will give you 
such as are in conjunction with the one in question, viz. gutti, 
one: Zeisb. 11, ' maw at (only) one. 1 Zeisb. 13, mayaat (is the 
same in the Minsey.) The two latter of these three words can 
in no wise be made use of with that which is animate ; on the 
other hand, the words mauchsu and mayauchsu are the proper 
words for what is animate : mauchsu lenno is one man; mauchsu 
tipas, one (single) fowl, &c. [Mayauchsu is the Minsey word for 
the same. See Zeisberger 52, at bottom.) If I meant to say to 
a Lenape, that of all the men who had returned from hunting, only 
one (single person) had killed a deer, 1 could not make ube of the 
numeral n'gutti, for that one, but 1 must say — bischi apallauwiwak 
lennowak weemi allod mauchsu (or mayauchsu) schuk, mescheu. 
See, for mayauchsu, Zeisb. p. 52, at bottom; and for MEmayauch- 
m'?/enk, every one of us, MEmayauchsiyEEK, every one of you, 
Zeisb. p. 105. 

" You inquire further, whether it is the same in the Delaware, 
as Cotton says it is in the JVatick [Massachusetts] that there are 
* two words for the numeral one — n r gutte or nequt, for a thing 
past, and pasuk, for a thing present.' In this remark, I consider 
Cotton to be under a mistake ; for I am sure, that the Mahicanni 
word n'gutte (the same as the Delaware rCgutti or gutti) is a 
general word, and in constant use for the present. The Mahicanni 
say — gutte or gutta for one: " Gutta-gun (in Delaware, gutti-* 
gull) one six-penny piece — n'guttoxena (Delaw. guttaxen) one 
pair of shoes, he. I presume the Natick word nequt answers to 
the Delaware gutTEN, since it points to the past, as for instance — 
gutTEN n'gachti angeln, once I was on the point of dying ; gut- 
ten woapan, once of a morning; schuk gutTEN Cuequenaku 
m'pahn, only once 1 have been at Philadelphia, he. The Dela- 
wares have also the word nekti (See Zeisb. p. 14) much in use 
when speaking of any one thing or article, and not being possessed 
of more than the one of that kind. 

" I have already said (in my last letter) that paschuk is a true 
Mahicanni word for one; and so I suppose nequt to be, in its 
proper place. 

" You inquire how this word paschuk is pronounced, whether 
as in German, or as in English, with the acute a. I always write 
words according to the pronunciation of the Germans ; but in 
writing the word according to the English alphabet, I should write 
it pawshuk. 

" I will add one observation on certain differences between the 
languages of the Mohegans (or Mahicanni) and the Delawares, 
both in respect to the words themselves, and the manner of pro- 



NOTES OJN ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. xlvii 

nouncing. The Mohegans, by changing some of their letters in< 
words from that of the Delawares, by dropping others entirely, and 
by drawing out their words in speaking, give the language a differ- 
ent sound from what it otherwise would have, were they to abide 
by the proper letters, and speak off hand as the Delawares dov 
They generally drop the letter l of the Delawares, and supply its 
place with the letter n ; and where the Delawares have a single 
vowel, they sound their word as if there were two. For example : 

For the Delaware . . koecn (what) they say, gaquai ; 

For ......... auween (who) awaan ; 

For .......... ni (I) nia; 

For . . . . . ..... oyos (meal) wiaas ; 

For nihna (we) niana ; 

For . dee (heart) ottaha, he. 

To these remarks on the Indian numerals, it may be useful to 
add an important observation made by Mr. Heckewelder, in the 
Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee. He there 
says — " On the subject of the numerals, I have had occasion to 
observe, that they sometimes differ very much in languages de- 
rived from the same stock. Even the Minsi, a tribe of the Le- 
nape or Delaware nation, have not all their numerals like those of 
the Unami tribe, which is the principal among them."* 

* Correspondence with Mr. Du Ponceau, in the Transactions, p. 381. 



xlviii 



NOTES ON ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



Index of Indian Words in Eliot's Grammar : inclu- 
ding select Words from his Translation of the 
Bible. 

Advertisement. THE following Index was originally intended by the 
editor to include only those Indian words, which are contained in Eliot's 
Grammar; and Mr. Du Ponceau had prepared (from the Grammar and 
Bible together) a separate List of words, corresponding to the seventy English 
words of the Comparative Vocabularies in Dr. Barton's Neiv Views of the 
Tribes and Nations of America. But, as many of the words in Mr. Du Pon- 
ceau's List were also to be found in the Grammar, and would of course be 
repeated in an index to that work, the editor has (with the concurrence of 
Mr. Du Ponceau) incorporated the whole into the present Index. In order, 
however, to enable the reader to select from it all the words, whfch corres- 
pond to those of Dr. Barton's List, and thus supply the want of a separate 
Vocabulary, such corresponding words are here printed in small capitals. 
The words selected from the Bible, by Mr. Du Ponceau, will be readily dis- 
tinguished by their having no references to pages annexed to them. 



Page 
A (a vowel often inserted for 
the sake of euphony) 

See Gram. p. 9. 
Ahque (adv. of forbidding) 

beware, do not .... 21 
Achqunnon, rain. See sokanon 
Ah (an inflexion of animate 

nouns.) See Gram. . . 8 
Ahquompak, when . . . 21 

Ahtuk, a deer 9 

Alum {in the Nipmuk dia- 
lect) a dog 2 

Anogqs, a star 9 

Anomut, within .... 21 
Anue (adv. of choosing) more 

rather; 21 

also a sign of the compar- 
ative degree : Anue menuh- 
kesu, more strong 15 

Anum, a dog 2 

Ao, ooo and yeuco ; termina- 
tions added to nouns, adjec- 
tives, adverbs, &?c. in order 
to change them into verbs 
substantive ; as, woske- 
tomp, a man, wosketom- 
pooa, he is a man, or he be- 



came a man ; worn pi, white, 
wompiyeuco, it is white, 12, 16 

Arum (in the f? Northern" di- 
alect) a dog 2 

As; a sftoable added to the 
indicative mode of verbs, 
in order to make it inter- 
rogative. See Gram. p. 27. 
It is also used, to change 
the present tense into the 
preterite. &ee Gram. pp. 62, 63 

Ash (adv. of continuation) 
still 21 

Ash (the plural termination 
of inanimate nouns.) See 
Gram. ....... 10 

Askonuh, skin 

Askook, a snake or worm . . 9 

Asquam (adv. of choosing) 
not yet 21 

Asscotu, foolish .... 16 

Asuh, or 22 

At; a termination used in 
forming the infinitive 
mode, which is done by 
adding this termination to 
the indicative, and talcing 
away the suffix .... 20 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



xHx 



At, en, in, ut: (prep.) in, at 

or to 22 

Ayim, he made 8 



Chaubohkish ; except, besides 22 
Chuh (adv. of calling; the 
same as hoh) 21 

E. 

E (used as the termination of 
the inanimate form of some 
adjectives.) See Gram. p. 13 

E or u ; the common termina- 
tions of adverbs ; as wame 
or warau, all; menuhke or 
menuhku, strongly ... 21 

Ehhoh, hah (adv. of exhorting 
or encouraging) . . .21 

Ehoh, (interj. of encouraging) 22 

En See at 

Ernes or es ; terminations 
added to primitive nouns 
to make them diminutives; 
emes is the least of them 12 

Es (mark of diminutive. See 
emes) 

Es and esu (terminations of 
the animate form of some 
adjectives.) See Gram. p. 13 

Eum, com, or um ; the sign of 
the lt possessive rank" of 
nouns 12 



H. 



Hah ; the same as ehoh . . 22 
Ho (interj. of wondering) 22 

Hog, body 
Hoh (adv. of calling ; the 

same as chuh) .... 21 
Hoo ; the same as ho . . . 22 
Horsemes ; diminutive of the 

English word horse . .12 
Horsesog; the plural of the 

English word horse . . 12 
Howan, who ... . 7 

Howanig ; plural of howan 7 

VOL. ix. 47 



Hussun, a stone .... 10 
Hussunemes; diminutive of 
hussun ....... 12 

/. 

I (used as the termination of 
the inanimate form of some 
adjectives.) See Gram. p. 13 

In (prep.) See at 

Ishkont, lest 22 

K. 

Keek, thy house .... 11 
Keekit, in thy house ... 11 
Keekou, your house (plur.) 11 
Keekuwout, in your house (pi.) 11 

Ken, thou 7 

Kenaau, ye 7 

Kenawun or neenawun, we 7 
Kenuppoowonuk, he died for 

thee* 18 

Kenuppoowonukqun, he died 

for us* 18 

Kenuppoowonukoo, he died for 
you,* ....... 18 

Kenutcheg, thy hand ... 11 
Kenutcheganash or kenutche- 
gash, thy hands .... 11 

Kenutcheganoo,yourhand(^/.) 11 
Kenutchegash. See kenut- 
cheganash 
Kenutcheganoowout, 

your hands 11 

Kesuk, heaven 

Kesukod, day 

Kesukquieu, toward heaven 21 

Koon, snow 

Koowadchansh, I keep thee 17 

Koowadchanumoush, I keep it 

for thee or for thy use . 17 
Koowadchanumwanshun, I 
keep it for thee, I act in 
thy stead* 18 



* " This form [of the verb] is of 
great use in Theologie, to express 
what Christ hath done for us." 

Gram. p. 18. 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



Koowaantam, thou [art] wise 13 
Kooweechewadchanumwomsh, 

I keep it with thee . . * 18 
Koowompes, thou art white 16 
Koowompesuonk, thy white- 
ness 20 

Kusseh (adv.) behold ... 22 
Kuttah, thy heart .... 1 1 
Kuttahhou, your heart (plur.) 11 
Kuttumma, (adv.) very lately 21 
Kuttumma, (conj.) unless . 22 



M. 

Mahtugq.T7e, wood. See Mehtug 
Mamaiiciiekesukqut, air 

Manit, God 9 

Massachusetts* 2 

Matchaog, no 21 

Matchet, wunnegen, waan- 
tamwe (adverbs of qualify.) 
" Of this kinde are all Vir- 
tues and Vices." 

See Grammar, p. 22 

Matta, no 21 

Mattannit, the Devil ... 9 
Mattayeuooutch, let it be nay. 

James v. 12 ..... 16 
Meenan, the tongue . . . 10 
Meenannoh. See meenan' 
Meepit, a tooth .... 10 
Meesunk, hair. See weshagan 
Mehtauog, an ear ... 10 
Mehtug, a tree. See mah- 

tugque 10 

Mehtugques or mehtugque- 

mes ; dimin. of mehtug 12 

Menuhke or menuhku, 

strongly 21 

Menuhkekont (from menuhki, 
strong, and muhkont, a leg) 
a strong leg 15 

* " Massa-chusett — an hill in the 
form of an Arrow's Head." Cotton's 
MS. Vocabulary of the Language of the 
Plymouth Indians. 



Menuhki, strong .... 13 

Menuhkoshketomp (from me- 
nuhki, strong, and woske- 
tomp, a man) a strong man 15 
Menuhku. See menuhke 
Menutcheg, a hand ... 10 
Metah, the heart. See tah 11 
Meyasunk, hair. See meesunk 
Missis, sister 

Mittamwossis, a woman . 9 
Mo, sometimes signifies not 21 
Moeu (adv.) together ... 21 
Mohmoeg (frequentative verb) 
they oft met* .... 17 

Mohtompog, morning 

Monaog, many .... 8 

Moocheke (an intensive) much 15 
Mooi, black ...... 13 

Mooosketomp (from mooi and 

wosketomp) a black man 15 
Mos, pish; words added to 
the indicative mode to ex- 
press futurity .... 20 

Moskeht, grass 10 

Moskehtuemes ; diminutive 

of moskeht 12 

Mosq, a bear 9 

Muhhog, the body. See hog 9 

Muhkont, a leg 10 

Muhpit, an arm . . . . 10 
Muhquoshim, a wolf ... 9 
Mukkiesoh, mukkis, a child 
Mukkis. See mukkiesoh 
Muskesuk, the eye or face 10 
Musseet, the foot . ' . . 10 
Mussissittoon, a lip ... 10 
Muttoon, a mouth 

N. 

Nabo; used in the num^tals. 
See Gram 14 

* " When the action is doubled or 
frequented, &c. this notion hath not 
a distinct form, but is expressed by 
doubling the first syllable of the word." 
Gram, p. 17. 






1 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR, 



Jl 



Nag or neg, they .... 7 
Nagoh or nahoh, they ... 7 
Nagum or noh, he .... 7 
Nahen, (adv.) almost ... 21 
Nahoh. See nagoh 
Nahohtoeu (adverb of order) 

second 21 

Nahpenont, woi, toh ; oh that 
it were. Lot. utinam 21, 34 

Namohs, a fish 9 

Nano (a sign of the compara- 
tive degree) more and more 15 
Naumog (the 6 accented being 
pronounced as in the Eng- 
lish word vogue) if ye see 3 
Naumog (the o unaccented be- 
ing pronounced as in log) 

if we see 3 

Naumon, son 

Naut, there 21 

Nawhutche, some .... 8 

Ne, that 7 

Neane (sometimes written in 

Eliot's Bible, neyane) as 22 
Neek, my house . . . . 1J 
Neekit, in my house . .11 

Neekun, our house ... 11 
Neekunonut, in our house . 11 
Neemat, my brother 

Neen, I (ego) 7 

Neenawun or kenawun, we* 7 

Neetomp, my friend 

Neg. . See nag 

Negonnu {{tdv. of order) first 21 

Nemehkuh, so 22 

Nen, I (ego) 

Ne nogque, towards that way 21 
Nepaushadt, moon 
Nepauz, sun 
Nepu}v, summer 

Nequt (fiumeral) onet . . 11 
The other numerals zvill be 



* See Mr. Du Ponceau's remarks 
on these two forms of the plural, 
p. xix. of his Notes. 

f Cotton, in his MS. Vocabulary of 
the language of the Plymouth In- 



found in the same part of 
the Grammar. 

Netatup (adverb of likeness) 
like so 22 

Newutche, wutch, wutche ; 
for, from, because ... 22 

Neyane. See neane 

Nippe, water 

Nipmuk ; the name of a tribe 
of Indians. See Introduc- 
tory Observations, p. 238, 
note. 

Nish, these 7 

Nishwu (adv. of order) third 21 

Noadtuck (adv.) a long time 21 

Nogkus, belly 

Nogque. See ne nogque and 
yeu nogque 

Noh or nagum, he . . . . 7 

Noosh, my father 

Ncochumwi, weak .... 13 

Nootau, fire 

Ncowaadchanumun-toh ; 

I wish, or desire, to keep it 19 

Ncowadchanit, I am kept . 16 

Noowadchanittimun, we keep 
each other. This form 
always wants the singular 
number 17 

Ncowadchanumooun, I do not 
keep it 19 

Noowadchanumun, I do keep 
it 19 

Noowadchanumun neek, 

I keep my house ... 17 

Noowadchanumunas ? do I 
keep it? ...... 19 

Ncowadchanumunash nooweat- 
chimineash, 1 keep my corn 17 

Ncowaantam, I am wise 13, 24 

Noowompes, I am white 16, 20 

Ncowompesuonk, my white- 
ness 20 

dians, has this remark — "Nequt, a 
thing that is past : Pasuk, a thing in 
being." But see the observations on 
this Subject, p. xlv. of the preceding 
I Notes. 



lii 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR, 



N'piihkuk, my head. See 

puiikuk 
Nuhog, my body. See hog 
Nukon, night 
Nummissis, my sister 
Nunkomp, a young man, a 

youth 9 

Nunkompaemes (diminutive 

of nunkomp) .... 12 
Nunkompaes (diminutive of 

nunkomp) 12 

Nunksqau,* a girl ... 9 
Nunksquaemes (diminutive 

o/*nunksquau) .... 12 
Nunksqbaes (diminutive of 

nuuksquau) 12 

Nunnaumon, my son 
Nunnogkus, my belly. See 

nogkus 
Nunnuppoowonuk, he died for 

me 18 

Nunnutcheg, my hand . . 11 
Nunnutcheganash, my hands 11 
Nunnutcheganum, our hand 11 
Nunnutchegannunnonut, our 

hands . . . . .■- . . . 11 
Nuppooonk, death 
Nuskon, my bone. See uskon 
Nusseet, my foot. See seet 
Nutcheg. See menutcheg 
Nuttah, my heart. See metah 

and tah 11 

Nuttahhun, our heart. See 

metah and tah * . . . . 11 
Nuttaunoh, my daughter. See 

taunoh 
Nuttin. See tin .... 23 
Nuttoon, my mouth 
Nux; yea, yes 21 



* The last syllable of this word is 
printed in the original edition of the 
Grammar as it is in the present one 
(qau) ; but the diminutive, at p. 12, 
has the same syllable printed qua, as 
.it is also in the Bible. See Joel hi. 
3; Zech. viii. 5. The form qua, 
therefore, seems to be an errour of 
the press. 



Nuxyeuooutch, let it be yea. 
James v. 12 16 



O. 



Og (the plural termination of 
animate nouns.) 

See Gram. p. 9 

Oh (an inflexion of animate 
nouns.) See Grammar, p. 8 

Okasoh, mother 

Ohke, earth 

Ohkeiyeu (adv.) towards the 
earth 21 

Ongash and onganash (the 
plural termination of ver- 
bal nouns in onk.) 

See Gram. p. 10 

Onk ; a termination often 
added to verbs, in order to 
turn them into nouns 13, 20 

Onkoue, beyond .... 21 

Ooo. See aoo 

com. See eum 

OOSQHEONK, blood 

oo wee (inter j. of sorrow) . 22 
Oxemes (diminutive of ike 

English word) ox ... 9 
Oxesog (plur. of the English 

word ox) oxen .... 9 



P. 

Pa ; a particle added to the 
indicative mode, to give it 
the sense of the first per- 
son of the imperative . .25 

Pagwodche (adv. of doubting) 
it may be ...... 22 

Pasuk (numeral) one. See 
the note on nequt 

Paswu, lately ..... 21 

Paummuonat, to pay* . . 42 

* Roger Williams "says, this is " a 
word newly made from the English 






$ 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



In 



111 



12 



Paummuounat, not to pay . 58 

Peasik or peesik, small ; used 
in expressing a degree of 
comparison 15 

Petuhqunneg, bread 

Pigsemes [diminutive of the 
English word) pig 

Pish. See mos 

PoMANTAMOONK, life 

Popon, winter 
Psukses, a little bird 
Puppinashim, a beast . . . 
Puhkuk, a head 



Q. 



Q,uah (interj. of disdaining) 22 
Qunnuhtug (from qunni, long, 
and mehtug, wood or tree) 
used to denote a pike . . 15 
Qussuk, a rock .... 10 
Qut, but 22 



S. 



Sasabbath-dayeu, every sab- 
bath (made a frequentative 
by doubling the first sylla- 
ble. See note on the word 
mohmoeg.) 

Saup, tomorrow .... 21 

Sepu, river 

Seet, foot 

Sheepsemes (diminutive of 
the English word) sheep 12 

Sohsumoonk, forest 

Sokanon, sokanunk; rain 

Sun, sunnummatta? (adv. of 
ashing) is it, or is it not % 21 

word pay." Key into the Languages 
of America, ch. xxv. ; in Mass. 
Hist. Collect, vol. v. p. 100. Wil- 
liams writes the first person singular, 
indicative mode, cuppdimish, I will 
pay you ; but Eliot writes it Jcuppau- 
mush, at the same time directing- the 
reader to pronounce pay and not pan. 
See Gram. p. 28. 



T, 

Tah, the heart. See metah 
Tahshe ; a suppletive word 
used with the numerals. 

See Gram 14 

Taskon, horn 
Taunoh, daughter 
Teanuk, presently ... 21 
Teaogku (adv.) rather, unfin- 
ished 21 

Tiadche, unexpectedly . . 22 
Tin, tinne, tit ; suppletive 
syllables used " for orna- 
ment of the word." See 
Gram. ...... 23 

Tinnee. See tin 
Tit. See tin 

Toh ; annexed to every per- 
son and variation in the 
optative mood. See p. 65. 
See also nahpenont 
Toh (adverb of doubting) it 

may be . . • . . 22 

Toiikoi, it was cold 
Tohkonogque, although . . 22 

Tohneit, if 22 

Tohsu ; a suppletive, used 

with the numerals ... 14 
Tohsunash, how many . . 8 
Tohsuog, how many ... 8 
Tohwutch, why .... 20 
Toohpu ; ice, frost 
Toon, mouth. See muttoon 
Tummunk, the beaver . . 9 

U. 

Uh (an inflexion of animate 
nouns.) See Grammar, p, 8 

Um. See eum 

Us ; a syllable added to the 
present tense in order to 
form the preterite . 62, 63 

Uskon, a bone 

Ut. See at 

Uttiyeu, or tanyeu (pron. rel.) 
which 7 

Uttiyeu (adv.) where . . 21 



liv 



INDEX TO ELIOT'S INDIAN GRAMMAR. 



W. 

Waantam, he [is] wise . . 13 

Waantamoonk, wisdom . . 10 

Waantamunat, to be wise . 26 

Waantamoounat (the negative 
form of the preceding verb) 27 

Waantam we (adv. of quality) 22 

Wadchaneh (imperat. mode) 
keep me 19 

Wadchanitteinat, to be kept 62 

Wadchanonat (animate form) 
to keep 42 

Wadchanounat (anim. form 
neg.) not to keep . . . 58 

Wadchanounat (infin. pass, 
neg.) not to be kept . . 63 

Wadchansh, keep thou . . 19 

Wadchanumunat (inan. form) 
to keep it, e. g. a tool, a gar^ 
ment, &c ...... 26 

Wadchu, mountain 

Wannonkooook, evening 

Wahsuk. See wasuk 

Wame or wamu (adv.) all 21 

Wasuk, husband 

Week, his house .... 11 

Weekit, in his house . . . 11 

Weekou, their house, . . 11 

Weekuwout or weekuwomut, 
in his house : " Hence we 
corrupt this , word Wig- 
wam." Gram 11 

Wehtauog, his ear. See meh- 
tauog 

Wequai, light 

Weshagan, hair of animals. 
See meesunk 

Wetu, a house 11 

Weyaus, flesh 

Wishitoo, the beard 

Woh (conj. of possibility) 
may or can. This word 
is added to the indicative 
mode in order to fofm the 
potential 20 



Woi. See napehmont 
Woi (interj. of sorrow) the 
same with oowee . . .22 

WOMONITTUONK, love 

Wompesu, he is white . . 16 

Wompi, white 13 

Wompiyeuoo, it is white . 16 
Womposketomp (from wom- 
pi and wosketomp) a white - 
man .... ". . 15 
Woskeche (adv.) without . 2.1 
Wosketomp, a man ... 9 
Wosketompooo, he is a man, 

or he became a man 12, 16 
Wunnamuhkut, truly \ . 21 
Wunnegen (adv. of quality) 22 
Wunnepag, leaf 

Wunnonkou, yesterday . . 21 
Wunnutcheg, his hand . . 11 
Wunnutcheganoo, their hand 11 
Wunnutcheganoowout, their 

hands 11 

Wunnutcheganash, wunnut- 

chegash, his hands . . . 11 
Wuskodtuk, his forehead 
Wutch (subst.) a nose 
Wutch (conj.) See newutche 
Wut«he See newutche 
Wuttah, his heart. See metah 
Wuttahhou, their heart . . 11 
Wuttaskonoh, his horn. See 

taskon 
Wuttat, behind .... 2i 



Y. 



Yeu (inan. form sing.) this 7 

Yeug (anim. form plur.) these 7 
Yeu nogque, towards this way 21 
Yeuoh (anim. form sing.) this 

or that ,♦ -. 7 

Yeuoo. See aoo 

Yeush (inan. form plur.) these 7 
Yeu waj, for this cause . . ^22 
Yeu yeu, now . . . . .» 21 



A 



CHURCHES AND MINISTERS IN N. H. 367 



i 



Sketches of Ministers and Churches in New 
Hampshire. 

Continued. 



WINCHESTER. 

THE Congregational church in this town was orga- 
nized on the 12th of November, 1736, by twelve pro- 
fessors of religion. The Rev. Joseph Ashley, who was 
graduated at Yale College, 1730, was settled as the first 
minister ; and continued there until the depredations of 
the Indians occasioned his removal in 1747. He was 
succeeded by Rev. Micah Lawrence, 14 November, 
1764. Mr. Lawrence was graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege in 1759; dismissed from the ministry 19 February, 
1777. Rev. Ezra Conant succeeded Mr. Lawrence, 
and was ordained 19 February, 1788. He was dismissed 
13 October, 1806. Rev. Experience Porter succeeded 
Mr. Conant, 12 November, 1807, and was dismissed 
20 February, 1810. Rev. Salmon Bennett, the pres- 
ent minister of the church, and successor to Mr. Porter, 
was ordained 10 September, 1817. The members be- 
longing to his church amount to about 100. 

KINGSTON. 

Rev. Mr. Choate was the first minister of Kingston. 
He went from Ipswich, Mass. with the first settlers, and 
resided in garrison with them. He was never ordained. 
After^he people built separate dwelling houses, they 
invited Rev. Ward Clark to take the pastoral care of the 
ehurch, which was probably gathered about 1725. His 
ordination took place the same year. He died in 1737, 
and was succeeded by Rev. Joseph Secombe, in 1738. 
Mr. Secomfee was a learned, useful and worthy man. 
He died in .1760, and was succeeded by Rev. Amos 



t t 



368 CHURCHES AND MINISTERS IN N. H. 

Tappan, who was ordained in 1761, and died in 1771. 
Mr. Tappan was succeeded by the Rev. Elihu Thayer, 
D. D. who was ordained in 1776, and died in 1811. 
Rev. John Turner is the present minister of the town, 
and was settled in 1810. 



CHESTER. 

The first settlements in Chester were made in the 
year 1719. Two parishes were early established by an 
act of the Legislature. 

A Congregational church was organized as early as 
1729, and the Rev. Moses Hale was ordained that year. 
He received his education at Harvard College, where 
he was graduated in 1722. ' Becoming partially deran- 
ged, he was dismissed by an ecclesiastical council, in 
Aug. 1 734. Rev. Ebenezer Flagg, who was graduated 
at Harvard College in 1725, was ordained the successor 
of Mr. Hale in 1736, and continued in the ministry the 
long period of sixty years, and died 14 November, 1796, 
at the age of 92. Rev. Nathan Bradstreet was settled 
as a colleague with Mr. Flagg in 1793, and received a 
dismission in October, 1818. Rev. Joel R. Arnold, the s> 
present pastor, was ordained 8 March, 1820. 

The Presbyterian church was regularly organized in 
1 732. Rev. John Wilson, a native of Ulster, in the north 
of Ireland, was ordained in 1734, and departed this life, 
1 February, 1779. He was a pious, useful and respec- 
table minister — lived respected and died lamented. 
After the death of Mr. Wilson, the church was 
vacant twenty-four years, but the publick worship 
of God in that period was regularly maintained. At 
length, Rev. Zaccheus Colby was installed 13 October, 
1803, and continued the pastor only about dve years, 
on account of being seized with a paralytick affection, 
which rendered him incapable of performing his official 
duties. Publick worship was maintained by hiring 
occasional preaching, till 19 February, 1817, when Rev. 



i 



ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF DONATIONS. 369 

Clement Parker was ordained. The parish now con- 
sists of 113 legal voters, and the church of 69 communi- 
cants. s The Congregational parish consists of 133 legal 
voters, and the church of 55 communicants. 

Concord, 12 September, 1821. 



Acknowledgment of Donations. 



THE thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
are presented for the following donations. 

A. HOLMES, Corresponding Secretary. 

A MS. containing the Address of General Wash- 
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and other documents. 

Presented by William A. Hays, Esq. 
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Bill v Nathaniel Noyes, Esq. 

Documents received from Washington. 

Congress of United States. 
Some Laws, &c. of Massachusetts ; and a Statement 
of the State Prison, of last year. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
Ramsay's (Alexander, M. D.) Address and Anatom- 
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Catalogus Collegii Gulielmi, 1820. J 

Dr. Jonathan Porter. 

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Company. The Company. 

Constitution of the State of Alabama. 

George Burroughs, Esq. 

vol. ix. 48 



- 



370 Acknowledgment of donations. 

Du Ponceau (Peter S., LL. D.) Discourse on the 
early History of Pennsylvania. The Author, 

Parker (Edward L.) Century Sermon, commemorat- 
ing the first settlement of Londonderry, 1819. 

Dr. J. Park. { 

Rev. Henry Ware's Two Discourses, containing the 
History of the Old North and New Brick Churches, 
united as the Second Church in Boston. 

The Author. 

Willard (S.) and Danforth (J.) Fast Sermons, 1704. 

James Savage x Esq. 
MS. of Rev. Mr. TurelT, on Witchcraft. 

Dr. Redf or d Webster.- 

A Volume of Tracts, containing Mitchel's Massa- 
chusetts Election Sermon, 1667 ; Higginson's do. 
1663; Walley's New Plymouth do. 1669. 

Lemuel Shaw, Esq. 

Certificate of Major Small to Andrew Richman 7 on 
enlisting into the Royal Highland Regiment, 18th « De- 
cember, 1775. Mr. Joseph Pierce. 

State Prisons and the Penitentiary System vindicated. 

Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

Catalogue of the Library of Bowdoin College, 1821,. 

Professor Cleveland. 

Holmes's Two Discourses on the completion* of the 
Second Century from the Landing of the Forefathers 
of New England at Plymouth; Dr. Channingfc Dis- 
course at the Dudleian Lecture ; Report of the Middle- 
sex Bible Society, 1821. A Holmes. 
\ Reports of the Society for propagating the Grbspel 
among the Indians and others' in North America, for 
1818 and 1819; and Rev. Mr. Lowell's Sermon before 
that Society, 1 820. The Society. 

Old Letters and Papers from Governour Hutchinson's 
MS. Collection, viz. Original Letter, 1628, supposed 
to be Rev. John Cotton's, respecting the conduct of 



- ■ 



ACKNOWLEDGMENT OE DONATIONS. 371 

two Persons betrothed to each other ; Some Trans- 
actions of Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1646, 
original ; Letter of President Arnold, of Providence, 
respecting the Quakers, 1657, and giving reasons for 
I treating them with moderation, rather than persecuting 
them ; Result of a Council of Ministers in and about 
Boston, 1659, in the case of Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford ; 
Letter of Lord Willoughby, 1667 ; Master Cheever's 
Petition to Andros, to be continued school-master, 1688 ; 
Order or Warrant for keeping sacred the 30th of Jan- 
uary — 1688; Judge Stoughton's Answer to Sir E. An- 
#. dros, 'for- delay in giving Judgment in certain Causes in 
Court, 1688; List of Actions in Court, 1688; Opinion 
of Council respecting Leverett's Ship, with Colony 
Seal, 1686; Officers of the Town of Boston, 1686; 
Opinions of the Elders of the Churches about the Char- 
ter, 1686 ; Commission of Governour Phips to E. Hut- 
chinson, 1693; Pay of Ministers in the vicinity of Bos- 
ton^ 1657; List of Pastors of Churches, in 1707, who 
petitioned in favour of Mr. Leverett, as President of 
College. 

Alden Bradford, Esq. Sec'ry of State. 

.:*■ A plan of the Town of Rochester in the County of 
Plymouth, with a Topographical Description of it. 

Abraham Holmes, Esq. 

Sfrmons of John Calvin upon the Ephesians. 

Ezekiel Lille, Esq. 

RSp^ts of American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions, from 1812 to 1820 (inclusive.) 

The Board. 

**Rev. Mr. Lowell's Discourses delivered in the West 
Church in Boston, December 31, 1820; and at the Or- 
dination of Rev. Richard M. Hodges in the South Parish 
in Bridgewater. The Author. 

Botta's History of the War of the Independence of 
the United States of America. Translated from the 
Italian, t^ George Alexander Otis. The Translator. 



7k: 



372 ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF DONATIONS 

The New York Spectator. 

The Publishers, Francis Hall #• Co. 

The Columbian Centinel. Benjamin Russell, Esq. 

The Weekly Messenger.. Nathan Hale, Esq. 

The New England Galaxy. Mr. J. T. Buckingham. 

The Boston Gazette. Messrs. Russell #• Gardner. 

Rev. P. Dickinson's Election Sermon, New Hamp- 
shire, 1816; W. Allen's do. 1818; N. Parker's do. 
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presentatives of the State of New Hampshire, from 
1816 to 1 820 (inclusive) ; Answer to the "Vindication 
of the Official Conduct of the Trustees of Dartmouth 
College," &c. with Remarks on the Removal of Presi- 
dent Wheelock, by Josiah Dunham ; Reply to Rev. 
Francis Brown, President of Dartmouth College, by 
Martin Ruter ; Report of the Committee of General 
Assembly of Ohio on the communication of the Auditor 
of State, respecting proceedings of the Bank of the 
United States; Militia Law of New Hampshire, 1820; 
Governour Bell's communication, covering the Report 
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the Society called Shakers, 1818 ; Compendious Nar- 
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1819 ; Defence of Adams's Oration. 

Mr. Jacob B. Moore of Concord, N. H. 

Bibliotheca Americana. Rev. John Codman. 



END OF VOL. IX. SECOND SERIES. 




'#966